全文获取类型
收费全文 | 937篇 |
免费 | 39篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 54篇 |
工人农民 | 18篇 |
世界政治 | 33篇 |
外交国际关系 | 215篇 |
法律 | 480篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 36篇 |
政治理论 | 83篇 |
综合类 | 54篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 16篇 |
2022年 | 16篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 22篇 |
2019年 | 50篇 |
2018年 | 49篇 |
2017年 | 67篇 |
2016年 | 43篇 |
2015年 | 32篇 |
2014年 | 47篇 |
2013年 | 93篇 |
2012年 | 38篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 31篇 |
2008年 | 50篇 |
2007年 | 69篇 |
2006年 | 50篇 |
2005年 | 34篇 |
2004年 | 47篇 |
2003年 | 24篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 20篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 14篇 |
1998年 | 12篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 7篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有976条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
831.
Runa Das 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):123-144
In this article, I use Alastair Johnston's concept of strategic culture re-visited through a critical constructivist perspective to analyze the representations of India's strategic culture and nuclear policy choices. In doing so, I explore how the representational practices of (and the mutually-constitutive relation between) India's nationalist identity/Self and its strategic environment, facilitated via its political leaders’ ideological lenses, have produced shifting representations of India's strategic environment to justify the nation's nuclear policy choices. In exploring this representational linkage between India's strategic environment and its nuclear (in)securities, I am cognizant that anarchy is a challenge facing India's task of nation-making and thus realism serves as a partially valid explanation for understanding the logic proliferation. Yet, my study demonstrates how culturally guided interpretations of what constitutes the Indian Self have divergently re-interpreted India's strategic environment and (in)securities to define the nation's nuclear policy choices. 相似文献
832.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(1):53-70
AbstractThe essay posits the question of the end of May Fourth as a properly political sequence. If we consider May Fourth as a political movement, asking how it ends implies asking what kind of political subjects and political organizations were active then and ceased to be active at a certain point in time. Asking when and how the May Fourth movement ended implies, therefore, asking what ended. The essay analyzes a series of statements and actions signaling the “end” or the “defeat” of May Fourth in order to question whether there were collective practices, locations, and categories proper to the May Fourth period and how they got exhausted. Two elements appear to be crucial: the organizational structure of the xuehui and the category of “student.” 相似文献
833.
《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2013,11(2):45-64
Abstract The aim of this paper is to see how Asian female entrepreneurs in the United Kingdom have developed and to increase our understanding of this entrepreneurial minority. The study looks at some of the more successful Asian women who are prominent in the United Kingdom by being featured in the top 200 Asian rich list. Both primary and secondary sources were used to profile these women. Open ended face-to-face interviews were also conducted with Asian women from second/third generations who had some business ownership stake in the more traditional low value added, labour intensive businesses. Questions centred around why they started their business, the support they received, the challenges facing them specifically as Asian women in business both at start up and beyond, their aspirations for the future of the business and their motivations. The findings show that the gap appears to have widened between the more successful Asian business woman and those women who are still opting for low value added, labour intensive firms. The practical implications of this study are that Asian women are an increasingly important part of the SME group and thus increasing the quality of business provision, advice, start up and growth would make this vital sector even more productive. This study will also help sensitise and inform business support agents, banks, advisors both public sector and private. Understanding the needs of this entrepreneurial minority is important for academic, policy makers and support professionals. 相似文献
834.
Raghuvar Dutt Pathak Rafia Naz Mohammed Habibur Rahman Robert Frederick Ingram Smith Kamal Nayan Agarwal 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):415-437
Experience in a number of developed and developing countries has shown that E-Governance initiatives can promote greater transparency with the goal of cutting corruption. This article examines perceptions of public service delivery in Fiji to explore the potential of E-Governance to cut corruption and improve governance. Based on a survey of community perceptions and a review of selected literature it suggests that service-delivery oriented IT initiatives can contribute to an effective, multi-pronged strategy to cut corruption in the Fiji public sector. 相似文献
835.
Brian Bridges 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):84-85
Japan's Rise to International Responsibilities: The Case of Arms Control, by Reinhard Drifte. Athlone Press, London, 1990. xi + 112 pp. £25. ISBN 0–485–11385–6. Japanese Defence: The Search for Political Power, by S. Javed Maswood. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1990. ix + 113 pp. US$12.00. ISBN 981–3035–39–0. The Emergence of Japan's Foreign Aid Policy, by Robert M. Orr Jnr. Columbia University Press, New York, 1990. x + 178 pp. $32.00. ISBN 0–231–07046–2. Same Bed, Different Dreams: America and Japan—Societies in Transition, edited by Alan D. Romberg and Tadashi Yamamoto. Council on Foreign Relations Press, New York, 1990. xi + 138 pp. $14.95 paperback. ISBN 0–87609–082‐X. 相似文献
836.
Dan Immergluck 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(1):69-106
Abstract Banks and thrifts are major actors in the affordable housing and community development arenas. They are often relied on to invest in low‐income housing tax credits and other projects as well as provide operating support. Banks and thrifts are explicitly encouraged to invest in such activities by the Community Reinvestment Act's (CRA's) Investment Test. Regulations require examiners to consider both quantitative and qualitative criteria in determining a large bank's Investment Test rating. The qualitative criteria are particularly important for organizations seeking investments for projects that are more innovative or complex or that offer less than stellar financial returns. An analysis of CRA performance evaluations reveals that, of the two qualitative criteria, only responsiveness to needs has a significant impact on Investment Test scores. Moreover, controlling for investment activity leads to higher Investment Test scores for larger banks. Implications for CRA policy and implementation are discussed. 相似文献
837.
人工智能算法的客体属性是人工智能技术可专利性问题的核心。根据方法发明专利保护的发展历史可知,方法可专利性判定的原则应当是考察权利要求作为一个整体是否构成对抽象概念的具体应用。同时,历史的经验还表明,目前主流测试标准的实质要求均只构成该原则的充分不必要条件。具体适用该原则时,相比于已有区分标准,从知识生产的角度能够更有效地界分抽象概念和具体应用。根据这一标准,人工智能算法属于对抽象概念的具体应用。这样,人工智能技术的可专利性问题就转化为对抽象概念实际应用程度的阈值设置问题。鉴于行业发展现状、专利法的立法目的、我国现阶段的战略规划和法制环境,应当给予人工智能算法专利保护。 相似文献
838.
MATTHEW FLINDERS 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(3):309-326
In this, my inaugural lecture, I wanted to sing out in praise of politics! This seemed such a good idea twelve months ago, but now in the wake of even more stories about MPs not declaring foreign trips and former ministers demanding ‘cash for access’ the idea of trying to defend politicians and praise politics suddenly seems like a very bad idea. And yet it is exactly because politics is held in such low esteem that the lecture is so important. Democratic politics matters because it achieves far more than we generally give it credit for. I want to rediscover the essence and arguments of Bernard Crick's classic book In Defence of Politics because its arguments are more appropriate today than when they were first published in 1962. 相似文献
839.
There are some fascinating historical parallels between Mexico’s giant teacher union, the Mexican National Education Union, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union. Although both teacher unions played an important role in challenging political oligarchies at certain points in their history, they became increasingly protectionist. Through their close affiliation to ruling parties, they were able to wield substantial political influence. In both of these cases, the unions played a controversial role in preventing central government surveillance and intervention in schools. Arguably, this often allowed not only for corruption in appointments and promotions, but also the protection of negligent teachers. There is some evidence to suggest that in protecting their sectional interests, both unions have frequently alienated parents and students at the community level. This paper addresses broader debates about the impact of powerful teacher unions on the quality of public schooling. 相似文献
840.
Vassilis K. Fouskas 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):772-776
Syriza lost the July 2019 election in Greece to the right‐wing New Democracy Party, though it was not a crushing defeat. This article explains that although Syriza is chiefly responsible for the return of New Democracy to power, its remarkable electoral performance is because its party elites, being in power for over four years, succeeded in appropriating the state machine, establishing caucuses of power, influence and clientelism. Thus, the demise of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), upon which Syriza capitalised in full, led to the establishment of a new two (state) party system dominated by New Democracy and Syriza. The extreme left and the extreme right ceased to play a major role in this new political scene. 相似文献