复方苦芩对小鼠免疫功能及犬IL-4 mRNA和IFN-γ mRNA表达的影响

为了探讨复方苦芩对免疫低下小鼠免疫功能和对犬细胞因子IL-4mRNA、IFN-γmRNA表达的影响,将120只小鼠随机分为空白对照组、模型组(环磷酰胺造免疫低下小鼠模型,不给药)、阳性药物对照组(黄芪多糖注射液)、复方苦芩制剂高、中、低剂量组,连续给药7d,给药后,除空白对照组外,各组腹腔注射环磷酰胺0.2mL(80mg/kg)制造免疫低下模型,1次/d,共3d。于末次给药后第1小时,测定碳粒廓清指数、脾指数、胸腺脏器指数及T、B淋巴细胞转化率;建立犬细小病毒模型,用反转录聚合酶链式反应(RT-PCR)法观察复方苦芩对犬细胞因子IL-4mRNA、IFN-γmRNA表达的影响。结果显示,复方苦芩能增加小鼠脾指数和胸腺指数,明显增加T、B淋巴细胞的转化率和碳清值,降低犬细小病毒引起的犬血清细胞因子IL-4含量及其mRNA表达的增加,升高犬细小病毒引起的犬血清IFN-γ含量及其mRNA表达的降低。结果表明,复方苦芩具有增强小鼠非特异性免疫功能,降低犬血清细胞因子IL-4含量及其mRNA的表达,升高犬血清IFN-γ含量及其mRNA的表达的作用。     

猪霍乱沙门氏菌C78-1株ΔcrpΔasd缺失株平衡致死载体系统的构建及生物学特性研究

为开发减毒猪霍乱沙门氏菌的活疫苗载体,通过自杀性质粒介导的细菌同源重组技术,构建了猪霍乱沙门氏菌C78-1株ΔcrpΔasd双基因缺失株,并对其生物学特性进行探讨。首先构建含有缺失1 488bp asd基因的重组自杀性质粒pREΔasd,然后与已构建完成的ΔcrpC78-1缺失株进行接合转移,采用两步法筛选无抗性的C78-1的ΔcrpΔasd双缺失株。PCR鉴定结果表明,C78-1的ΔcrpΔasd双缺失株构建成功;进一步研究表明,该缺失株的生长需要外源的二氨基庚二酸(DAP),且能稳定遗传缺失的asd基因,与C78-1相比,其血清型未发生变化,但其生长速度明显减慢。ΔcrpΔasd C78-1双缺失株可接受asd+质粒作为宿主平衡致死系统高效稳定地表达外源基因,为开发以C78-1为载体的口服多价疫苗奠定了基础。     

14株基因C型鸭甲肝病毒分离株的VP1基因变异及其编码蛋白的抗原表位分析

对14株分离自四川不同地区的基因C型鸭甲肝病毒(DHAV-C)VP1基因进行了PCR扩增、测序、序列比对分析以及抗原表位分析。结果显示,14株DHAV-C VP1基因核苷酸序列的同源性为92.2%～100%,推导氨基酸序列的同源性为85.8%～100%,与GenBank中的24株DHAV-C VP1基因的核苷酸和氨基酸序列同源性分别为87.9%～99.3%和80.8%～100%。聚类分析显示,四川华阳地区分离的6株DHAV-C的VP1基因与黑龙江分离株Du/CH/LJS/090905同属一支,3株四川邛崃地区分离株与北京分离株C-GY及福建分离株FJ01同属一支,4株四川郫县分离株与1株四川邛崃分离株处于独立的小分支,它们与其他毒株之间存在一定的遗传距离。DHAV-C VP1蛋白由240个氨基酸组成,是由α螺旋、β折叠和无规则卷曲共同组成的混合型蛋白,VP1蛋白氨基酸序列的亲水性、抗原指数和表面可及性均较高,其中212～222位氨基酸区域的亲水性、抗原指数和表面可及性最高,可能是DHAV-C VP1蛋白上的B细胞表位优势区域,为DHAV-C表位疫苗的研究提供了理论依据。结果表明,四川分离株可能由于引种等原因从全国不同地区进入四川境内。     

Arab Muslim Attitudes Toward the West: Cultural,Social, and Political Explanations

We utilize pooled data from Zogby International's 2002 Zogby, James. 2002. What Arabs Think: Values Beliefs and Concerns, Utica NY: Zogby International.  [Google Scholar] Arab Values Survey (carried out in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and UAE) in order to test for “cultural,” “social” and/or international “political” influences on Arab Muslim attitudes toward “Western” countries (Canada, France, Germany, UK, and USA). We find little support for “cultural” hypotheses to the effect that hostility to the West is a mark-up on Muslim and/or Arab identity. We find only limited support for “social” hypotheses that suggest that hostility to the West is predicted by socioeconomic deprivation, youth, and/or being male. We find the strongest support for a lone “political” hypothesis: hostility toward specific Western countries is predicted by those countries' recent and visible international political actions in regard to salient international issues (e.g., Western foreign policies toward Palestine).     

Analysis on the Quantity of Offence of "Fraud Loan"

“Fraud Loan” is a new criminal phenomenon that started to appear recently. Its basic form is fraud, but more than ten types of crimes such as provocation, forced trading, extortion, robbery or kidnapping may be committed just because of the diversity of ways of obtaining property. To identify the number of crimes convicted by “Fraud Loan”, three principles should be adhered to. Firstly, all acts of the perpetrators should be evaluated comprehensively so as to maximize the protection of legal interests. Secondly, it is necessary to prohibit repeated evaluation to protect the human rights of the accused. Thirdly, we should make an overall evaluation to conform to the cognitive regulation. When the act of purpose and means of the perpetrators violate different crimes respectively, the heavier one should be chosen. Those who directly “claim debt” through violence, coercion, kidnapping, etc., are escalated into serious crimes such as robbery and kidnapping. If perpetrators violate other legal interests of the victim in addition to the crime of property, they will also be punished for multiple crimes.     

Anti-Apartheid Solidarity Networks and the Production of Come Back,Africa

In 1957, American filmmaker Lionel Rogosin arrived in Cape Town, South Africa, determined to make a film about apartheid. “Anti-apartheid Solidarity Networks and the Production of Come Back, Africa” discusses the film’s historical and cultural significance, and— a topic which deserves more attention— the film’s production. The article examines the interconnected and international nature of early anti-apartheid activism. International movements against apartheid may have been relatively small between 1957 and up until March of 1960, but Come Back Africa’s production shows that anti-apartheid activists and artists were becoming increasingly connected in a transnational web spanning the Atlantic with hubs in South Africa, Europe, and the United States. In the case of Come Back, Africa, relationships forged between Rogosin, black South African artists-activists (such as Lewis Nkosi, William “Bloke” Modisane, and Miriam Makeba) and white liberal anti-apartheid activists (including Father Trevor Huddleston, Reverend Michael Scott, and Mary Benson) proved mutually beneficial.     

中国梦视角下大学生有效政治参与的途径研究

大学生有效政治参与是我国公民政治参与的重要组成部分,对实现中国梦具有重要意义。当前我国大学生有效政治参与仍存在不平衡性、实用主义等现实问题,通过发挥国家调控、学校引领、个人自律等方面的力量,解决大学生有效政治参与存在的现实问题,为实现中国梦尽一份力。     

Politicians in Television

ABSTRACT

Television viewers, journalists and social influence analysts often use the term “television character” or “media-savvy person” when referring to people (also to politicians) who draw the viewers' attention and interest (Reeves, Naas, 2000). The purpose of the research presented herein is to answer two questions: (1) what are the differences in social perception of five main personality dimensions (“the Big Five”: agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, neuroticism, and openness to experience [intellect]) of media-savvy politicians and those considered to belong to the non-media-savvy type; and (2) how traits attributed to media-savvy and media-un-savvy politicians remain connected with the viewers' political self-identification. A hundred journalism students, using an adjective list for “the Big Five” diagnosis (five dimensions of personality), were to identify their political beliefs as right wing, mixed, or left wing and to describe a politician they considered to be the most media-savvy and the least media-savvy person. Results indicate that media-avvy politicians are perceived to be more extrovert (dynamic), more open to experience, and more conscientious than their media-un-savvy counterparts; participants' (viewers') political beliefs reflect the importance of openness and conciliation in perception of media-savvy and non-media-savvy politicians.     

保险诈骗罪第4款解释路径的法律分析

片面共犯由于违背共同故意要件因而不属于共同犯罪,其不能对保险诈骗罪第4款的法律性质作出合理的解释。保险诈骗罪第4款既不属于法律拟制和注意规定,也不属于想象竞合和法规竞合,其是法律文本主义的当然解释,亦是大竞合理论下,适用从一重处断原则的当然结果。     

Restorative justice in the aftermath of politically-motivated violence: the Basque experience

ABSTRACT

An emerging body of literature discusses how restorative justice can contribute to the response to terrorism. This paper expresses concerns about the uncritical acceptance of many orthodox assumptions about terrorism inherent in the search for a “restorative response” to terrorism. When restorative justice embraces the label “terrorism” in what appears to be a politically neutral sense, rather than opening up a critical discussion of realities of political violence and the factors that had propelled it, it may form part of the efforts designed to inculcate “truths” that help control political dissent. With its key aspiration being to restore a presumed healthy order disrupted by terrorist offences, restorative justice may be enlisted to help entrench social relations that led to the violence in the first place. The paper illustrates this danger by examining attempts to use restorative justice techniques by Spanish authorities in the aftermath of ETA or Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (“Basque Homeland and Freedom”) violence. It is argued that rather than searching for a “restorative response” to terrorism, a more adequate framework for restorative justice in the aftermath of politically motivated violence may be found within broader projects of reparation for historical injustices, remembering and political reconciliation.