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231.
本轮中美贸易摩擦的发生是美国对华政策深度调整的结果,根源于中美关系框架内不同性质的力量发生实质演变。中美货物贸易逆差是全球价值链体系内东亚区域整合的必然结果,因而具有很强的不可逆特征。美国主动挑起贸易摩擦的时机选择体现了其战略考量。作为中美关系中重要的正面力量,经贸关系的“压舱石”作用在不断弱化,政治、安全等负面力量不断发酵并呈现出主导中美关系走向的态势。此次中美史诗级贸易摩擦是美国社会对华负面力量不断叠加并积累到一定程度的结果。“文明的冲突”加剧了中美关系正负力量失衡并使天平逐渐向负面力量倾斜。面对中美贸易摩擦的复杂性和长期性,基于发展视角提出中国理性客观应对中美贸易摩擦的战略与策略。  相似文献   
232.
This paper focuses on the use of Soviet-era symbols, myths, and narratives within groups on VKontakte social media site over the initial stage of the Ukraine crisis (2014–2015). The study is based on qualitative content analysis of online discussions, visual materials, and entries by group administrators and commentators. It also applies link-analysis in order to see how groups on social media are interrelated and positioned online. It reveals that these online groups are driven primarily by neo-Soviet myths and hopes for a new version of the USSR to emerge. Over time, the main memory work in these groups shifted from Soviet nostalgia and “pragmatic” discourse to the use of re-constructed World War II memories in order to justify Russian aggression and to undermine national belonging in Ukraine. Reliance on the wartime mythology allowed for the labelling of Euromaidan supporters as “fascists” that should be eliminated “once again.” This powerful swirl of re-created Soviet memories allowed effective mobilization on the ground and further escalation of the conflict from street protests to the armed struggle.  相似文献   
233.
Examining the impact of the international system on the domestic system in countries in the process of democratisation, the article seeks to account for the relation between regime-initiated democratic transitions and the international factor, taking two case studies of the way the international factor interacted with the decisions and tactics of regime and opposition elites. The first is the Spanish exemplary reforma pactada of 1977; the second is the much less studied case of the short-lived and aborted “Markezinis experiment” in Greece in 1973, the failure of which has been blamed by its protagonist on external- mainly American- opposition.  相似文献   
234.
The article focuses on the rise and spread of racist language in public debate in Hungary. It investigates how radical right discourses—that is, the relegitimating of the racist idea of “Gypsy crime”—have been transmitted by the mainstream media thus contributing to the decline of a short-lived political correctness in Hungary. The analysis explores how racism has become more and more accepted and how the mainstream has embraced the radical right's propositions, turning them into a “digestible” rhetoric while “breaking the taboos” of antiracism.  相似文献   
235.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(1):61-88
This article investigates whether different political institutions such as executives, legislatures, parties, party systems, judiciaries, decentralization, constitutionalism, and referendums across 24 Western democracies are venues for debate across five individual morality policies. Using data since 1945, the article compares three theories of morality policy—(1) Policy Type leading to different institutional venues; (2) Two Worlds of religious/secular party systems; and (3) U.S./European exceptionalism. In order, the most frequently debated issues are abortion, same sex marriage, euthanasia, stem cells/assisted reproductive technology (ART), and capital punishment. There is considerable variation in the institutions and country groups that debate them although fewer differences in the Two Worlds model. Abortion, euthanasia, and same sex marriage are the most convergent issues across institutions, party systems, and country groupings while capital punishment and stem cells/ART show the most diverse patterns of deliberation. The general Policy Type model of morality policy is upheld, but varies institutionally by specific issues. The Two Worlds model is of some importance, but only on three issues. There also are regional differences between the United States, Europe, and non‐European democracies.  相似文献   
236.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(1):120-152
Over the past three decades, various power sector reforms have overhauled the governance of electricity generation, transmission, and distribution in almost a hundred countries. Have these reforms produced benefits? Using instrumental variables, we improve upon earlier studies and demonstrate that power sector reforms enacted between 1982 and 2008 have both had large positive effects on the availability of generation capacity and reduced transmission and distribution losses. We also show that the positive effects on generation capacity are pronounced in developing countries and that hybrid reforms falling short of privatization and free competition are effective in improving generation capacity in particular. Overall, the results show that these reforms are an effective tool to remove an important constraint on economic growth.  相似文献   
237.
238.
ABSTRACT

This article argues that despite engaging in a powerful critique of the construction of the attacks of 11 September 2001 (or “9/11”) as temporal break, critical terrorism scholars have sustained and reproduced this same construction of “9/11”. Through a systematic analysis of the research articles published in Critical Studies on Terrorism, this article illustrates how critical scholars have overall failed to extricate themselves from this dominant narrative, as they inhabit the same visual, emotional and professional landscape as those they critique. After examining how CTS has reproduced but also renegotiated this narrative, the article concludes with what Michel Foucault would describe as an “effective history” of the attacks – in this case, a personal narrative of how the attacks did not constitute a moment of personal rupture but nonetheless later became a backdrop to justify my scholarship and career. It ends with a renewal of Maya Zeyfuss’ call to forget “9/11”.  相似文献   
239.
The outbreak of Sino-US trade friction is the result of the in-depth adjustment of the United States’ political attitude to China,originating from the essential changes in the internal power structure of Sino-US relations. The Sino-US merchandise trade deficit is the inevitable result of the integration of regional industrial chains in East Asia under global value chain, hence with its strong irreversibility. The U.S. timing selection of starting the trade friction against China reflects its strategic thinking. As an important positive force, the role of economic and trade relations as “ballast stone” is weakening, while negative forces such as politics and national security are fermenting, and show a trend of dominating Sino-US relations. To some extent, the outbreak of the Sino-US trade friction is the result of the continuous superposition and accumulating of negative forces towards China in the United States. The “conflicts of civilization” aggravates the imbalance of positive and negative forces in the framework of the Sino-US relation and makes the balance gradually incline to negative forces. Faced with the complexity and longevity of the Sino-US trade friction, this paper puts forward some strategies and tactics to deal with Sino-US trade frictions rationally and objectively based on the perspective of development.  相似文献   
240.
论对金融、经济犯罪提高适用刑法的“含科量”   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
对犯罪适用刑法的中心问题 ,是定罪量刑问题。如何最大限度地提高定罪量刑的科学成分量 ,即“含科量” ,乃是实现司法公正的一大关键。犯罪构成理论是关系定罪量刑的理论。犯罪构成理论愈科学 ,就愈利于提高适用刑法的“含科量”。本文从研究金融、经济犯罪的形态特征和规律性出发 ,论证了传统的苏中式犯罪构成理论不利于提高对金融、经济犯罪的定罪量刑的“含科量” ;要提高对金融、经济犯罪适用刑法的“含科量” ,应当适用龙式和前置式的新的犯罪构成理论。  相似文献   
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