邓小平与中国第二次革命的“两大基本问题”

邓小平关于社会主义基本问题的新贡献表现在:解放思想实事求是的科学社会主义观、独创性的社会主义本质论等方面.关于执政党建设基本问题的重大突破体现在:把党建设成为领导全国人民建设中国特色社会主义的坚强核心等方面.     

美国和欧盟正在分道扬镳吗?--关于文化的概念及文化差异的思考

文化可以定义为一个成规系统,借助这一概念,可以将文化区分为不同的类别,从而清晰地描述和阐释两种或几种文化之间的同异。在伊拉克战争中的不同表现,凸显了美国与欧盟文化层面上的歧异,有学者将之归结为具有"现代"与"后现代"特征的战略文化之间的不同,这种观点值得进一步辨析。文化成规不是一成不变的,美国与欧盟的战略文化也必将随着全球语境的变化而变化。     

新社会阶层的优秀分子入党带来的问题及对策思考

本文分析了新社会阶层的优秀分子入党的理论价值和实践意义;提出了新社会阶层的优秀分子入党给党的建设提出的新要求和新问题;据此论述了解决问题的对策和措施。     

仲裁中应设立第三人制度

社会关系的复杂性使仲裁活动涉及签订仲裁协议的当事人以外的第三人的情况客观存在。学术界对于仲裁中应否设立第三人制度意见不一。仲裁的实践、仲裁的法律性质和仲裁的价值目标决定了仲裁中设立第三人制度的必要性、合理性和必然性。仲裁第三人制度应从第三人参加仲裁的方式、时间 ,第三人的权利及其限制等方面加以规定。     

A Party of a Different Color? Race,Campaign Communication,and Party Politics

Although studies have examined the contents of party images and the impact of those images on candidate evaluations, we do not have an understanding of the conditions that lead to party image change. In this article, I examine the impact of racialized campaigns on perceptions of individuals' party images. Moreover, I explore the factors that mediate the campaigns' effects. I argue that the success of a strategy's ability to alter party images depends on the strength of the individuals' extant party images. Using the 2000 Republican National Convention as a case study, I find that party images are indeed malleable. Further, I find that race, party identification, and education mediate party image change.     

抗战时期中国共产党对国民党地方实力派的统战工作

国民党地方实力派是中国近代历史条件下演化出来的情况复杂、派系众多的军事政治集团,中共与这些派系的关系是国共关系史的重要组成部分。国民党地方实力派在抗战时期表现不同,因而中共的统战政策也随之有所变化。对这一时期统战工作的研究或许对目前的台湾问题有所启示。     

试论规模困境与联邦主义

小国自由民主 ,但却因弱小而易被外国势力灭亡 ;大国繁荣强大 ,但却易出现专制腐败而灭亡。如何把国家之大而产生的好处与国家之小而产生的好处结合起来 ,解决规模带来的困境 ,联邦主义“运用许多共存的、相互交叉的政府单位”提供了解决的方法 ,既有统一的联邦 ,又有自治的州和各级地方政府 ,在自由、活力与统一、秩序之间达到了平衡 ,使美国“既像一个小国那样自由和幸福 ,又像一个大国那样光荣和强大”。     

Who Toes the Party Line? Cues, Values, and Individual Differences

This article explores individual differences in citizens’ reliance on cues and values in political thinking. It uses experimental evidence to identify which citizens are likely to engage in heuristic processing and which citizens are likely to engage in systematic processing in developing opinions about a novel issue. The evidence suggests that political awareness crisply distinguishes between heuristic and systematic processors. The less politically aware rely on party cues and not on an issue-relevant value. As political awareness increases, reliance on party cues drops and reliance on an issue-relevant value rises. Need for cognition fails to yield clear results. The results suggest two routes to opinion formation: heuristic processing and systematic processing. Political awareness, not need for cognition, predicts which route citizens will take.     

Can the Democrats Win Again?

After losing two successive elections, debate has raged within the Democratic party over how to win back power without comprising the principles which the party has long stood for. This article explores the reasons why the Democrats were unable to defeat George W. Bush in 2004, despite the numerous problems of the incumbent' first term, and asks what lessons the Democrats can learn from their defeat. The second half of the article focuses on what issues and policies the Democrats should concentrate and what strategies the party should adopt in order to improve its image and broaden its popular appeal ahead of the 2008 election.     

Money for our people? Decentralisation and corruption in Romania: the cases of the equalisation,infrastructure and pre‐university education funds

In spite of the attempts, in the most recent years, to introduce simple, accountable and rule‐based mechanisms governing the flows of funds for Romanian local governments (LGs) there is evidence showing that deviations from the norms are still widespread and undermine the stated goals of many policies. This article aims to explore to what extent the political factor (party affiliation, i.e. local informal power networks) interferes with the allocation of public funds as far as three main areas of decentralised policy are concerned: (i) the general purpose equalisation transfers; (ii) the Roads Fund grants and (iii) the transfers for financing the pre‐university education. These components represent a relatively large share of the local budgets and are illustrative for two important attributions Romanian LGs perform today: maintaining the local infrastructure and providing essential social services. Through a set of variables—measuring, on the one hand, the real pattern of resource allocation and on the other hand, the intensity of politicisation in the three areas—we tested the hypothesis that intergovernmental financial flows in Romania are to a large extent captured by rent‐seeking groups. It turns out that this is indeed the case with the funds for infrastructure, and much less so with the transfers financing pre‐university education. Some conclusions from these contrasting situations are drawn which reflect on the broader discussion, the link between decentralisation and corruption. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.