Voluntary multilateralism and institutional modification: The first two decades of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)

The voluntary multilateralism and consequent institutional weaknesses that have characterized Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) since its inception in 1989 are explained by the multiple geo-political fractures that characterize the Asia Pacific, as well as bureaucratic constraints and the missed opportunities to incorporate civil society. The history of APEC is the on-going creative struggle between ambitious multilateralists and national-sovereignty realists. While APEC has fallen short of its most ambitious goals, it has achieved some notable results in the cognitive diffusion of values and information, policy innovation to promote economic integration, and institutional modification in response to trial-and-error learning and to global shocks. The normative conclusions suggest additional institutional reforms and substantive agendas consistent with a flexible, evolving voluntary multilateralism.

Full circle? Ideas and ordeals of creating a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

In 2004 and 2006, proposals were made at APEC summits to establish a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). This was an essentially a reworking of an idea first raised in the mid-1960s to create a Pacific Free Trade Area, or PAFTA. Although the PAFTA initiative never advanced, it helped lay the first organizational foundations for regional economic community building in the Asia-Pacific. The recent FTAAP proposal thus brings us full circle to the antecedent origins of APEC itself. If realized, an FTAAP would also create a free trade zone that would encircle the Pacific Rim economy and thereby subsume the region's now large number of bilateral and sub-regional free trade agreements (FTAs) into one unified agreement. Yet there are many inherent problems with establishing an FTAAP. These broadly relate to deconstructing the preferentialism of existing bilateral and sub-regional FTAs, achieving a consensus on the technical policy content and ideational principles on which an FTAAP would be based, and addressing various geopolitical issues such as reconciling the formation of a pan-regional Asia-Pacific FTA with an already fragile multilateral trading system. Growing interest in a ‘rival’ East Asia Free Trade Area project presents another geopolitical challenge. In considering these and other questions, it is concluded that many obstacles will remain in the path to realizing an FTAAP, and that this may not actually be a desirable objective to pursue for some time yet.     

State sovereignty,political legitimacy and regional institutionalism in the Asia-Pacific

Abstract

Regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific have been of limited efficacy. Asian members of organizations such as ASEAN and APEC have insisted that these institutions not infringe upon their sovereign rights. The basic norms, rules, structures and practices supporting these organizations have, to varying degrees, reflected this concern. A number of factors contribute to explaining this regional reluctance to create effective multilateral institutions. This paper argues that the single most important factor is the concern of most East Asian states with domestic political legitimacy. Drawing on the work of Muthiah Alagappa and Mohammed Ayoob, the paper demonstrates that a significant majority of the states of East Asia see themselves as actively engaged in the process of creating coherent nations out of the disparate ethnic, religious and political groups within the state. As a result, these states are reluctant to compromise their sovereignty to any outside actors. Indeed, the regional attitude towards multilateral institutions is that they should assist in the state-building process by enhancing the sovereignty of their members. As an exceptional case, Japan has encouraged regional institutionalism, but it has also been sensitive to the weaknesses of its neighbours, and has found non-institutional ways to promote its regional interests. The incentives to create effective regional structures increased after the Asian economic crisis, but Asian attempts to reform existing institutions or create new ones have been undermined by the issues connected to sovereignty. East Asian states recognize that they can best manage globalization and protect their sovereignty by creating and cooperating within effective regional institutions. However, their ability to create such structures is compromised by their collective uncertainty about their domestic political legitimacy. In the emerging international environment, being a legitimate sovereign state may be a necessary prerequisite to participating in successful regional organizations.     

The evolution of an Asia‐Pacific policy community in Australia

Australian Labor governments have, in recent times, become particularly active in shaping the form and content of regional forums where outstanding economic and security issues can be semi‐publicly aired. An increasing number of analysts have characterized this activist role with APEC and CSCAP as a manifestation of ‘intellectual leadership’, and have explained this evident concern with the promotion of common understandings (and hence the possibility of rules) as the natural stance of ‘middle powers’. This paper surveys the means by which Australia's Labor governments came to engage in these regional dialogues; the arguments that have facilitated that engagement; and the individuals who have played leading roles in articulating those arguments. It concludes with brief observations about the possible trajectory of these two regional dialogues, and reference to some of the obstacles they might pose for future Australian governments.     

从亚太次区域经济合作看APEC合作前景

APEC在其建立以来的十多年中,在贸易投资自由化、便利化与经济技术合作方面取得了一些合作成果,但也存在分歧、矛盾与障碍,尤其是20世纪90年代亚洲金融危机之后,APEC经济合作明显放慢步伐。这使人们产生怀疑,APEC是否还有发展前途?本文通过分析亚太次区域合作第二次高潮的特点及其成因论述了APEC的发展前景。     

APEC法律属性探讨

APEC即亚太经合组织自成立以来,一直被认为是亚太地区各成员国之间交流、讨论和协调经济政策和贸易政策的论坛。然而,随着经济形势的发展和各成员国的努力,APEC的组织结构逐渐完善,合作内容也得到扩充,已经发展成亚太地区的区域经济合作组织。APEC与传统的区域经济合作组织相比,既有其共同之处,也有其特殊性一面,本文在此对其进行了简要的论述。     

台湾参与APEC:背景、特点及影响

台湾参与APEC的目的 ,是通过参与亚太地区的国际经济合作与社会活动 ,加强与亚太其它国家的政治经济关系 ,塑造台湾的“主权国家”形象 ,增强其国际地位。因而在APEC的经济合作领域中 ,台湾是一个活跃的成员体 ,且有相当的成果。但是 ,台湾当局赋予APEC太多的政治功能 ,屡屡以APEC为平台挑战两岸关系的现状 ,希冀以此拓展台湾的国际空间。因此 ,APEC并没有为两岸之间的合作提供广阔空间 ,反而不时成为两岸交锋的舞台。     

APEC经济技术合作的发展状况及应对措施

经济技术合作与贸易投资一体化并称为APEC的"两个轮子"。自APEC成立以来,这两个轮子运行得并不平衡,相对于贸易投资一体化来说发展进程缓慢。本文分析了其发展缓慢的原因,并针对这些问题提出了相关解决建议。     

APEC贸易自由化的发展与评价

本文通过研究APEC各成员的单边行动计划,从关税和非关税措施的角度评述了APEC贸易自由化的发展,分析了目前两者不同的发展特征及茂物目标实现的可能性,得出的基本结论是:发达成员2010年率先实现茂物目标的难度较大,同时还可能受到国际经济体系变化的影响。目前APEC中贸易投资便利化的努力将为贸易自由化的发展打下坚实的基础。发展中国家应从现实可能出发,选择对待茂物目标的灵活性策略。     

APEC贸易投资自由化20年:成就与展望

APEC贸易投资自由化进程历经20年,在关税减让、非关税措施削减、服务和投资市场开放等四个具体领域取得了显著成就。由于受到国际经济形势新变化的影响,APEC贸易投资自由化的整体进程及具体领域均面临新的挑战和问题。在此背景下,总结和分析20年来APEC贸易投资自由化的成就,展望其贸易投资自由化进程的前景,并探讨APEC进程的未来发展方向与方式,对于推进APEC进程具有重要意义。