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131.
Despite rapidly increasing global flows of international students, research to date has paid little heed to how students abroad identify and mobilise. Focusing on the experience of Indonesians, Malaysians and Singaporeans in Australia – a primary hub for international education – we explore the ways in which our informants understand their place and potential as students. We find international students to comprise a distinct sort of diaspora. With their liminal status, these – for the most part – only temporary transnationals do internalise new norms and agency in a personal sense. However, they tend to identify increasingly as national citizens and to be disinclined to mobilise politically, at least during the course of their studies. These findings add to our understanding both of collective identity and action among students, and of the broader implications of globalisation and internationalisation for social and political activism. 相似文献
132.
Christopher Michaelsen 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):248-268
In February 2010, the Australian government released its second Counter-Terrorism White Paper, claiming that terrorism continues to pose a serious security challenge to Australia. The article critically re-examines the terrorist threat to Australia and explores the threat posed by the traditional Al-Qaeda leadership, by regional organisations like Jemaah Islamiyah and by so-called ‘home-grown’ terrorists. Arguing that it is imperative to differentiate clearly between the threat to Australia and Australian interests abroad, the article identifies the sources of threat in the Australian context. It concludes that neither Al-Qaeda nor Jemaah Islamiyah nor home-grown terrorism poses any significant objective threat to Australia. At the same time it is acknowledged that the subjective perception of the terrorist necessitates the government to develop an effective counter-terrorism strategy. However, given that the terrorism threat is objectively low, policy measures addressing the threat ought to be carefully designed to meet the requirements of proportionality and (potential) effectiveness. 相似文献
133.
澳大利亚毗邻东南亚,又是美国在亚太最重要和最可靠的军事盟友。澳大利亚对南海的态度与立场,很大程度上影响对东盟和美国的立场。本文通过对近年来澳大利亚官方和主流媒体报道的官方对南海争端的态度和发言进行总结和分析,探讨澳大利亚官方对南海争端的基本立场。 相似文献
134.
This paper considers the relationship between the growing dominance of career politicians in the Australian federal legislature and models of party organisation. Using data on MPs in the Australian federal parliament, this study maps changes in models of party organisation to the occupational profiles of MPs between 1949 and 2007. The findings show a correspondence between the phenomenon of cartelisation and the appearance of legislators whose previous occupation was in the political sphere. The authors suggest that there is a relationship between different modes of party organisation and both the supply of candidates and the demand-side factors influencing party selectors. The paper concludes that theories of recruitment should include a greater emphasis on models of party organisation to explain better the uniformity of recruitment outcomes across advanced democracies. 相似文献
135.
David Monk 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):137-160
Committees in the Australian parliament often make recommendations to government and attempt to persuade the government to accept them. Using a sample of committee reports tabled between the 2001 and 2004 elections, this paper measures the government acceptance of committee recommendations as a proxy for committees' influence. On average, the government stated it accepted three majority recommendations out of 11 per report, although this figure drops to two and a half when viewed as recommendations implemented and not merely promised. The government accepted virtually no minority recommendations. The most important report characteristic is the extent to which it affects the government's reputation, but the breadth of political support that it can muster is also relevant. 相似文献
136.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3):224-247
In Australia, despite greater public awareness and acknowledgement of the problem by government agencies, trafficking in persons remains a phenomenon poorly understood and researched. The true extent of Australia's human trafficking problem is not fully known, largely due to the clandestine nature of this phenomenon. Anecdotal evidence, media reports, and statistical estimates without proper evidentiary bases are the only sources of information currently available about trafficking in persons in Australia. This article produces a more accurate assessment of the scale of trafficking in persons in the light of the open source evidence, thus contributing to the understanding of the immediate problem, and paving the way for further research on the many facets and aspects associated with trafficking in persons in Australia and elsewhere. The article calls for further research into trafficking and greater openness from relevant stakeholders, in order to clarify the facts about trafficking in Australia, and to help to dispel the myths and misconceptions that abound in discussing this issue. 相似文献
137.
Ann Capling 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):601-622
Abstract For the past two decades, ‘engagement with Asia’ has been a central theme in Australian public policy and public debate about Australia's place in the world. The commitment to Asian engagement has been shared by both sides of federal politics throughout this period; however, when in government the Labor Party (1983–96) and the Coalition (1996–2007) pursued radically different approaches to this common objective. This article contrasts and evaluates the differing approaches adopted by the Labor and Coalition governments, in the context of the domestic and regional debates and controversies that accompanied them. In particular, it seeks to explain why Australia is more engaged with Asia than ever before, in seeming defiance of the widespread criticism of the Coalition government's particular approach to Asian engagement. 相似文献
138.
Dietmar Braun 《Swiss Political Science Review》2006,12(2):1-36
This article investigates Australia's economic success since the 1990s. As this was set in motion by fundamental political reforms, it asks to what extent Australian‐type federalism has been an important factor in the reform process. By using two approaches ‐ the market‐preserving federalism approach of Weingast, which stresses the virtues of ‘limited government’, decentralisation and competition together with the intergovernmental coordination approach of Scharpf which argues for a ‘problem‐solving’ orientation of territorial actors ‐, the structure of Australian federalism, changes in the working of the federal system in the 1990s, and effects on policy‐making are scrutinised. The article demonstrates that a particular combination of a rather centralised federal structure and a particular type of intergovernmental coordination, i.e. collaboration, supplemented by the strong influence of new public management ideas, has been conducive to political reforms in Australia. This suggests that a decentralised and competitive version of federalism, as defended by Weingast, is not a necessary condition for embarking on a successful reform path in federal countries. In future research, both approaches or analytical dimensions should be used in order to better understand the relationship of intergovernmental relations and policy reforms. 相似文献
139.
Derek Dalton 《Law and Critique》2007,18(3):375-405
Drawing on interview data of gay men who have had their behavior in public spaces scrutinised by agents of the law for signs
deviance, this article explores the historical characteristics of police animosity towards such conduct in Australia. This
entails examining encounters between police and gay men who pursue desire in ‘beat’ (or ‘cottage’ to the use the UK term) spaces. Exploring why these outlaw gay male subjects are so abject and troubling to the law, the
discussion documents how law’s desire to regulate gay men plays out in the masquerade of ‘plain-clothes’ agent
provocateur operations where police entrap gay men by mimicking gay bodily appearances, gestures and mannerisms. This article also examines
how police regulation of gay desire functions as a form of violence that delimits expressions of same sex desire in public
spaces. A key theme that underpins the analyses in this paper is that the policing of desire in ‘beat’ spaces helps produce qualities of illicitness and dangerousness and that this, in turn, fuels the circuit of desire at play
between gay men and agents of the law.
相似文献
Derek DaltonEmail: |
140.