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171.
How scientists commercialise new knowledge via entrepreneurship 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
In this paper, we explore how university-based scientists overcome the barriers to appropriating the returns from new knowledge
via entrepreneurship; and we examine how a university-based technology transfer office (TTO), with an incubation facility,
can assist scientists in the commercialisation process. We identify how scientists overcome three barriers to commercialisation.
First, we find that scientists take account of traditional academic rewards when considering the pay-offs of commercialisation
activity. Second, scientists recognise the commercial value of new knowledge when market-related knowledge is embedded in
their research context, and/or when they develop external contacts with those with market knowledge. Third, the deliberate
efforts of scientists to acquire market information results in individuals or organisations with market knowledge learning
of the new knowledge developed by the scientists; and intermediaries can help individuals or organisations with resources
learn of new knowledge developed by scientists. We find that the TTO, principally through an enterprise development programme
(CCDP), played an important role in the commercialisation process. The principal benefit of the TTO is in the domain of putting
external resource providers in contact with scientists committed to commercialisation. Our findings have important implications
for scientists and for those interested in promoting commercialisation via entrepreneurship.
相似文献
Dipti PandyaEmail: |
172.
法官应该是司法能动主义者——从李慧娟事件说起 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李慧娟事件引发了学界不少的争论,引起了人们对于中国法官功能角色定位的思考。在比较法学以及价值层面上,法官应该成为一个能动主义者。为了避免在司法能动的过程中可能出现的弊端,应该通过"程序主义的司法能动范式"加以制约和保障。 相似文献
173.
Amir Goldstein 《中东研究》2019,55(4):590-604
This article focuses on the ways in which over 200 families of Yemenite immigrants, who founded the city of Kiryat Shmona, the development town situated at the edge of Israel's Northern District, functioned as a group during the immigration process. This case study coincides with the trend – within research of mass immigration to Israel – that relates the historical narrative through the perspective of the immigrant and settler groups, rather than from the vantage point of the establishment in charge of their absorption. The affair could have gone down in the annals of history as a story of weakness and victimhood: hundreds of immigrants were sent off to settle in an outlying peripheral region and were compelled to integrate into an environment where the financially and political-powerful kibbutzim were preponderant. Yet the Yemenite immigrants of Kiryat Shmona turned out to be a consolidated, opinionated, fighting and stubborn force that succeeded, in trying conditions, to assert their voice, struggle for their values and identity, affect major changes within the immigration–absorption system. 相似文献
174.
Ethel Tungohan 《Space and Polity》2017,21(1):11-26
ABSTRACTBy critically assessing Filipino migrants’ fraught and uneven experiences of the public, I illustrate how race and class hierarchies operate to mark Filipino temporary foreign workers as foreign ‘others’. Because public spaces are structured in gendered and racialized ways, Filipino migrants strategically navigate public spaces to ensure their safety and create their own spaces of belonging that give them refuge against xenophobia. I argue further that the paradoxical discourses of multicultural inclusion and economic protectionism invoke the figure of the ‘good’ migrant and the ‘bad’ migrant. These, in turn, promote contradictory actions towards migrants, whose public acceptance hinge on wildly variable and changing notions of inclusion/exclusion and economic acceptability. These lead to the passage of inconsistent policies where migrants are read as being ‘good’ one day, and as being ‘bad’ the next. 相似文献
175.
176.
John Hames 《Canadian journal of African studies》2017,51(1):103-122
This article examines the interplay of linguistic citizenship and national citizenship within a trans-border language movement. Since the late 1950s, language activists from among the Haalpulaar’en of Senegal and Mauritania have practiced forms of literacy teaching, literary production, theater and journalism in promoting their language, known as Pulaar. These activists’ trans-border collaborations and their emergence from two distinct national contexts – where, in both cases, Pulaar is spoken by a minority of the population – must be understood in relation to one another. Tracing the biographical itineraries of several key activists, this article illustrates how Senegalese and Mauritanian Pulaar militants have collaborated when it comes to language promotion yet frame their grievances within their respective national political arenas. More than a form of local resistance based on trans-border linguistic and cultural ties, Pulaar language activism has emerged thanks to opportunities presented by forms of post-colonial state-building, including the creation of national radio. 相似文献
177.
Billie Jeanne Brownlee 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(10):2276-2294
This article intends to provide responses to some of the many unanswered questions about the making and the transformation of the uprising in Syria by exploring a new avenue of research: media development aid. Most academic interest has been oriented towards the role that the new media played at the time of the uprising; insufficient interest, by contrast, has been directed to the development of the sector in the years predating it. What emerges from this article is that the Syrian media landscape was strongly supported by international development aid during the years prior to the outbreak of the uprising of 2011. By looking at the complex structure of media aid architecture and investigating the practices and programmes implemented by some representative organisations, this article reflects on the field of media development as a new modus operandi of the West (the EU and US especially), to promote democracy through alternative and non-collateral, bottom-up support. 相似文献
178.
Linda Tabar 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(2):414-435
This paper examines the formation of the concept of ‘the internationals’ in Palestine. The post-Oslo term began to be used in the second intifada to denote white solidarity activists in the colony. In tracing the rise of the concept, the paper charts some of the ways solidarity with the Palestinian people has been domesticated under the Oslo ‘peace process’. Situating and analysing the rise of the concept of ‘the internationals’ within the assemblage of apparatuses and ideological forces inscribed during Oslo, it explains how these material structures have contributed to shifting the notion and praxis of solidarity. Taking Third World internationalist and anti-imperialist feminist practices of solidarity as its starting point, the paper historicises and theorises some of the changes that have taken place over time. It offers an anti-colonial, anti-racist, feminist critique of the individualisation of solidarity and centres indigenous Palestinian perspectives. It concludes by surveying the ways Palestinians are creating alternatives and rebuilding international solidarity. 相似文献
179.
Sophie Maddocks 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2018,33(97):345-361
ABSTRACTEvery day, people’s most intimate moments are recorded, uploaded and circulated online without their consent. This gross invasion of privacy – commonly known as ‘revenge pornography’ – has become part of the scenery in cyberspace. But the name ‘revenge pornography’ fails to communicate the scope and severity of this harm. It is a victim blaming term that risks misdirecting government policy and misinforming the public. So, in order to mobilise against ‘revenge porn’, activists have begun renaming it. ‘Non-consensual pornography’, ‘image-based sexual abuse’, and ‘digital rape’ are just a few of their new coinages. This research seeks to understand how ‘revenge pornography’ is being renamed and reframed in different contexts. To do so, it draws on interviews with thirty activists, experts, and scholars from twelve countries and seven professions. The article begins by comparing their alternative terminologies, bringing to light points of similarity and difference. It then looks forward, identifying new developments in activists’ thought and action. Despite their different vocabularies, this research finds among respondents a shared understanding upon which they could build an enduring coalition. 相似文献
180.
司法的最直接目的在于定纷止争。法官既不能迷信规则,也不应轻视规则。司法能动主义是一种开放性司法哲学,热衷于打破成规、法外能动和制衡。司法能动主义之所以盛行于美国,有其特定政治法律文化背景。我国情形则大为不同,司法能动主义须慎行。我们应该发展合乎国情的中式司法衡平艺术,倡导能动司法。 相似文献