论司法能动主义的基础

司法能动主义强调法官的能动性,认为法官可以超越成文法和先例的约束进行司法解释,以法官自己对宪法的理解来代替立法、行政机关的决定。司法能动主义有着深厚的理论与现实的基础,其法哲学基础是新原意主义,宪政基础是共和主义,而现实依据则包括法官自由裁量权、行政权的扩张、自治法向回应法的转变等。     

能动司法背景下的法律方法诉求

近年来,能动司法成为法学界的一个研究热点,本文通过探讨我国能动司法与美国司法能动主义的区别,阐述我国的能动司法不是简单的裁判理念,而是一种政治型能动政策。理想的司法能动是功能上的能动与方法上克制的统一,当前我国的能动司法属于政策推动性质,缺乏对能动的应有规范,而法律方法恰好能从有效性和正当性方面对司法活动予以必要的规制,因此也就成为当前我国能动司法的必然诉求。     

能动司法的宪法界限

当下中国的能动司法不同于西方的司法能动主义,其理论表达和实践形态呈现出多样性和复杂性。各地区、各层级人民法院的积极实践,使得能动司法遍地开花。但是,能动司法也应有必要的限度。我国现行宪法规定,＂中华人民共和国人民法院是国家的审判机关。＂这就要求能动司法在展开的同时,注意人民法院是国家的,而非地方的,以防出现司法地方化的问题;注意人民法院是专司审判职能的审判就关,而非履行其他职能的国家机关,以免能动司法变成了＂盲动司法＂。     

Count us! Ethnic Activism in South-Eastern Estonia,and the Census of 2011

The ethnic activists of south Estonia (the Seto and Võro movements), challenging traditional concepts of the Estonian nation, tried to exploit the last national census (2011) for their cause, but were only partly successful because of opposition from decision-makers at Statistics Estonia, who have demonstrated a spontaneous conservatism in regard to questions of ethnicity and language. The government’s response to the initiatives of the ethnic activists was inconsistent, passive, and reactive. This matter has simply not been thought through at the state level.     

Kenya's political ‘transition’ through the eyes of its ‘foot soldiers’ for democracy and human rights (1997–2012)

This is a study of young human rights activists who provide a unique window on Kenya's recent and turbulent political history (1997–2012). The period includes the end of authoritarian rule and election of a ‘reform’ government in 2002 that expanded some human rights but abused others. Based on archival materials and periodic, multiple interviews by the author with key youth activists, the findings make three contributions to the study of human rights and democracy. First, it identifies the often overlooked role of secondary level activists in a human rights/democracy social movement, the so-called ‘foot soldiers’. Second, it explores the failure of Kenya to consolidate its democracy and quell police violence, including the assassination of two human rights investigators, an event which sent a chill through the activist community. Third, by tracing the trajectory of some ‘foot soldiers’ during this period, the study confirms a theory of a cycle of social movement activism but suggests modifications.     

梁启超自由主义的教育哲学

梁启超的教育哲学,是他的整个自由主义思想的组成部分,其基础是他一直倡导的学术自由思想。他明确地反对思想学术"定于一尊",反对学界"宗师一统",而主张"学界各派并立"。在谈到教育思想时,梁启超明确主张"精神教育者自由教育也",由此,他提出了"尽性主义"的命题,即认为应该把充分发挥自己的个性,作为教育的最重要目的;与此同时,他还要求每个受教育者,必须注意保护和培养自己的自由意志,最大限度地实现个人的价值;此外,梁启超还提出了"趣味主义"的教育思想,在他看来,真正的教育,应该是一种"趣味教育",他认为,成功的教育事业,全在唤起受教育者的趣味,培养人们对做学问的乐趣,这才是教育家最大的本事。梁启超的自由主义教育哲学,无论是"尽性主义",还是"趣味主义",都是对传统教育思想一种尖锐的挑战。     

世贸组织上诉机构与欧洲法院司法能动之比较——为什么慎谈世贸组织“司法宪法化”

关于世界贸易组织以及欧洲联盟"宪政"的关注度日见高涨,其中,不乏将"司法造法"视为世贸组织制度"宪法化"引擎"的"司法宪法化"学说。但在政府间国际组织内谈论"宪政",不得不保持审慎的态度。比较世界贸易组织上诉机构澄清规则、填补规则、引入规则的司法能动,与欧洲法院的实践有本质的不同,其能动性的发挥有显著的特殊性,不得不区别对待、具体分析。     

Issue definition: the neglected foundation of effective issue management

Many issue management models proceed from issue scanning and identification directly to determining an objective, with insufficient attention to the important element of formally defining the issue. Proper definition is a vital foundation for effective issue management, and comprises a sound understanding of the issue itself, choosing exactly the right words to best position the issue and securing agreement on the definition. It also requires a full appreciation of the techniques used by other parties to try to redefine the issue to their competing agenda, and this paper identifies and categorises three such techniques. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

论改革开放中的文化建设

建设中国特色社会主义文化是一项伟大的历史任务,在社会主义改革开放中加强文化建设,则是建设先进文化的基本战略方针。这个战略方针的具体内容主要是:文化建设的基本宗旨,必须是以人为本,实现社会和人的全面协调发展;文化繁荣的基本保障,是坚持“百花齐放、百家争鸣”,保障学术自由,加强民主政治建设和社会主义法制建设;文化发展的前途,是面向世界,具有历史眼光,走人类文化发展的共同道路。只有全面贯彻这一基本战略方针,我们才能实现中华民族新的文化复兴。     

“It’s Another Way Of Making A Really Big Fuss” Human Rights And Women’s Activism In The United Kingdom: An Interview With Tania Pouwhare

Following the “Encountering Human Rights” conference in January 2007, Emily Grabham interviewed Tania Pouwhare, a women’s rights activist working at the Women’s Resource Centre in London. Their discussion engaged with the professionalisation of activism, funding constraints and New Labour policies and their impact on immigrant women. Against a background of financial insecurity and huge demand for their services, many women’s organisations in the United Kingdom struggle to use human rights law to advance women’s rights. Nevertheless, the rhetoric of human rights remains powerful within women’s activism, and law remains relevant as a potential form of ‘direct action’ and “another way of making a really big fuss”.