特朗普政府对华军事战略评析及对策思考

在国际政治正重回“大国竞争时代”的背景下,美国已将中国视为全球、全方位、首要战略竞争对手。特朗普政府对华军事战略包括军事战略目标、地缘战略重点、军力资源配置、作战思想、军事装备技术竞争等多方面内容,在美国对华战略判断日益消极的前提下,中国军力的发展、战略空间的拓展以及中美战略竞争将受到深远影响。针对中美实力对比、管控中美战略竞争、应对未来可能出现的中美军事冲突等,我们应当保持战略定力和战略自信,自主回应“大国竞争”,军、政、经等多领域配合,“拆解”美国对华军事战略、努力寻找和扩大中美共同利益,缓解美国对华敌意。     

自动化行政方式下的行政处罚:挑战与回应

基于行政处罚的负担行政属性,部分自动化是现阶段自动化行政处罚的主流形态。自动化行政方式的高效可能导致处罚密度失衡,需要建立处罚标准动态调整机制予以平衡。在自动化行政时代,需要坚持和发展正当程序原则,以解决在程序与证据方面面临的挑战。自动化行政对于数据的依赖与行政处罚中的数据特殊限制形成了悖论,应当通过将数据纳入公物法规制与扩张个人数据权利等方式,完善数据法治。在责任方面,自动化行政处罚错误时的责任主体仍然是行政主体,归责原则应当采用无过错责任原则。     

*论政府必须在法治轨道上开展工作

法律的生命力在于实施，法律的权威也在于实施。政府必须在法治轨道上开展工作是对政府思维方式和行为方式的基本要求。从国际进程、现实挑战、未来要求看，政府必须在法治轨道上开展工作具有客观必然性和现实紧迫性；当前政府在法治轨道上开展工作存在着重法制轻法治、重权力轻权利、重结果轻过程、重执法轻问责等落差；推进政府在法治轨道上开展工作除了坚持党的领导之外，政府职能法治化是前提、政府决策法治化是基础、政府执法法治化是关键、政府责任法治化是保障、政府政务公开化是要求。     

Comment on Kerry D. Vandell's “FHA restructuring proposals: Alternatives and implications”

Abstract

New Orleans, a highly segregated city with low homeownership, experienced a tremendous number of housing foreclosures between 1985 and 1990. This study highlights the process and impact of foreclosure in the urban housing market, which contributes to an understanding of their impact on the spatial structure of the city. Two aspects of foreclosure are examined: the differential impacts of foreclosure on low‐income and African‐American householders and changes in socioeconomic conditions (neighborhood change and the spatial structure of the city) resulting from foreclosure.

Conventional wisdom holds that urban neighborhood transformation is driven largely by white flight. The data presented in this article suggest a counterhypoth‐esis. Middle‐income professional whites employed in businesses impacted by recession who had recently bought housing with high loan‐to‐value ratios were forced to sell or have their houses foreclosed upon. The depressed market, in turn, made such housing affordable to middle‐class blacks interested in homeownership. Thus, black economic opportunity, rather than white flight, dramatically transformed the racial composition of many New Orleans East neighborhoods.     

The Study of Public Administration in Hong Kong and Macao: Evolutionary Paths and Implications

Comparatively speaking, the birth and the growth of public administration programmes, at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels, in Hong Kong and Macao have been a response to the increasing need for the training of students and civil servants in the discipline of public administration. Since the 1990s, the proliferation of Master of Public Administration (MPA) programmes in both the Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions can be explained by the demand for local people to govern the two places in accordance with the principle of ‘one country, two systems’. The content of various MPA programmes also reflects the changing political and administrative circumstances; its public administration focus has been accompanied by core courses training students from a variety of disciplines, ranging from public finance to economics, from public policy analyses to globalization, and from regional planning to a deeper understanding of mainland Chinese government and politics. In both Hong Kong and Macao, some graduates from both the Bachelor and Master programmes have joined the civil service or enhanced their skills in public sector management and governance. Although the medium of instruction varies from one university to another, their programme objective shares one thing in common: the imperative of training existing civil servants and students to join the governments of Hong Kong and Macao. This paper compares and contrasts the development of public administration programmes in Hong Kong and Macao and examines its theoretical implications for the changing relations between politics and public administration.     

影响司法公正的几个因素

影响司法公正的几个因素 :1、主权者与立法者对司法的工具论认识。隐藏于司法体制背后的原因才是影响司法公正的更深刻、更重要的内因 ,这个原因就是主权者、立法者对司法的工具论认识。 2、法官法律信仰的缺陷。老百姓将司法腐败的原因归咎于法官道德低下。主权者却认为是没有注重法官的政治思想教育。而法官政治素质、道德品质背后的法官法律信仰缺乏更让人担扰。 3、缺乏对法官的保护措施。法官最容易成为各种攻击和报复的对象 ,在我国 ,对法官的保护是极其薄弱的     

临时组织——一体化行政与官僚制缺陷下的组织安排

由于国家体制和赶超战略的原因,我国行政模式形成了一体化的行政模式,在这一模式的运作中,加上官僚制合理化的不足导致了临时组织的大量出现。临时组织帮助行政机构完成了多项重大社会任务,但是也带来了不良的后果:正式官僚组织的效能不足和社会与政府对临时机构的依赖性文化。因此,临时组织需要进行合理化和制度化改革。     

依法行政与公民权利

依法行政应该是行政权力对于社会需求的回应,而非单纯行政机关的问题。公民权利作为国家公共权力的本源,天然地具有推动依法行政的内在动力。但是由于当前公民权利缺乏具体制度的保障,也就很难形成对于行政权力的外部制约力量,进而使依法行政很大程度上缺乏宪政的基础。因此,推动依法行政的一个基础工作就是必须强化公民权利。     

普通法的早期治理

英格兰普通法的形成不是任何单一权力意志的安排,而是多元选择的产物。郡法院最初可以被当作国王用以平衡地方权势的制度装置。缺少有效的地方代理人制度,国王不得不依赖于一支巡游的司法大军来实现王国的治理,普通法的司法治理模式由此形成。作为一项司法设置,陪审制度不仅为中央司法权威的扩张提供了公信力的保障,而且也是后者得以稳健运行的制度平台。随着越来越多的社会主体通过组成陪审团参与到法律事务之中,不经意间,普通法的大厦便被如此牢固地坐落在了民间普遍认同的基石之上。     

'His Finest Hour?' George Bush and the Diplomacy of German Unification

This article examines the diplomatic record of the Bush administration with particular reference to its role in German unification. Based upon memoir material and new sources made available since 1989, it argues that the administration in general - and George Bush in particular - played an indispensable role during these critical years. First, Bush's unequivocal support for unification drove the process forward and reinforced Germany's commitment to NATO. By reassuring countries like France, the US also managed to compel reluctant Europeans to accept unification. Finally, by working closely with Gorbachev and Shevarnadze, Washington was also able to persuade the USSR to accept what many had once thought quite unacceptable to the Russians: a united Germany within NATO. Given the part that the President played in all this, the authors suggest that the generally accepted view of Bush as a politician without purpose or plan has to be questioned. The 'statesman without a vision' who emerges from this reading of events is seen as having been a more forceful and effective diplomatic leader than some of his critics have been prepared to concede.