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91.
This paper addresses new challenges and identifies starting points for development theory following recent debates in Latin America on ‘new or neo-extractivism’. It focuses on the concept of neo-extractivism and the context of its emergence, and on the changing role of the state. Looking at a number of social economic indicators, we find that, even after considering differences between countries, (neo-)extractivism is not merely a temporary economic strategy in the region. Instead, it exhibits features of a consolidated development project. Empirical evidence from the region shows the fundamental implications of resource-based development paths in politics, social relations and territorial orders. To grasp these implications conceptually, we argue for a shift in theoretical perspectives related to the link between development and resource extraction. Key elements for such a shift are to be found in recent studies in rentier theory and politics and new approaches in the field of political ecology.  相似文献   
92.
This paper examines whether Fair Trade improved the quality of life for Fair Trade women artisans and their communities in Bolivia's high Andes. Grounded in the work of Amartya Sen and ethnographic study, Fair Trade is explored as a form of justice rooted in women's individual freedoms and capabilities. The intellectual merit of this paper is to examine how Fair Trade bridges women's participation in globalisation and development. The broader scope is to create a dialogue around the ethnic feminist experience and private enterprise to expand the understanding of Fair Trade as economic development.

Assez équitable ? Le Commerce Equitable et la qualité de la vie parmi les femmes-artisans indigènes en Bolivie

Dans cet article il s'agit d'une évaluation de l'amélioration dans la qualité de vie des femmes-artisans engagées dans le Commerce Equitable et de leurs villages aux Hautes Andes de Bolivie. Le Commerce Equitable, basé sur l'?uvre d'Amartya Sen et sur des études ethnographiques, est examiné comme une forme de justice enracinée dans les libertés et les aptitudes personnelles des femmes. Le mérite intellectuel de cet article est d'examiner la façon dont le Commerce Equitable englobe la participation des femmes dans la mondialisation et dans le développement. Son déploiement est de créer un dialogue autour de l'expérience féminine et de l'entreprise privée pour mieux comprendre le développement économique du Commerce Equitable.

¿Bastante justo? El comercio justo y la calidad de vida entre las artesanas indígenas de Bolivia

El presente artículo analiza si el comercio justo mejoró la calidad de vida de las artesanas y de sus comunidades en los Andes de Bolivia. Fundamentado en el trabajo de Amartya Sen y en distintos estudios etnográficos, el comercio justo se considera como una forma de justicia surgida de las libertades individuales y de las capacidades de las mujeres. El mérito intelectual de este artículo radica en analizar cómo el comercio justo vincula la participación de las mujeres con la globalización y con el desarrollo. Su objetivo más amplio consiste en generar un diálogo en torno a las vivencias étnicas feministas y a la iniciativa privada, cuyo fin es profundizar la comprensión que se tiene del comercio justo como una vía para el desarrollo económico.

Justo o suficiente? O Comércio Justo e a qualidade de vida entre as mulheres indígenas artesãs da Bolívia

Este artigo examina se o Comércio Justo (Fair Trade) melhorou a qualidade de vida de mulheres artesãs do Comércio Justo e de suas comunidades nos altos Andes da Bolívia. Tendo como referência o trabalho de Amartya Sen e estudo etnográfico, o Comércio Justo é explorado como forma de justiça baseada na liberdade e capacidade individual das mulheres. O mérito intelectual deste artigo é examinar como o Comércio Justo estende a participação das mulheres na globalização e desenvolvimento. O escopo mais amplo visa proporcionar um diálogo sobre a experiência feminista étnica e empresa privada para aumentar a compreensão do Comércio Justo como desenvolvimento econômico.  相似文献   
93.
Abstract

The Argentine press reinterpreted the period of dictatorial military rule (1976–1983) in terms of an interest in the continuity of democratic protections. La Voz del Interior, the newspaper of record in the provincial capital and second largest city of Cordoba, sought to censure, subordinate, and yet reintegrate the military within a democratic institutional ideology. This study uses discourse analysis to characterize 10 elements of a model of coverage of state‐sponsored terrorism: (1) perpetrators, (2) victims, (3) target population, (4) violence and violation, (5) motives or intentions of the perpetrators, (6) fear or terror among the populace, (7) outcomes or changes in the target population, (8) news sources, (9) remedies and projects, (10) and probable responses or appropriated uses by readers or the press. In 1985–1986, when the elected government sought to judge and castigate senior junta commanders, La Voz supported establishment continuity by legitimating societal actors, including the military, even though its members were perceived as having violated basic societal values.  相似文献   
94.
Jonas Wolff 《Democratization》2013,20(5):998-1026
In the liberal concept of a ‘democratic civil peace’, an idealistic understanding of democratic stabilization and pacification prevails: democracy is seen to guarantee political stability and social peace by offering comprehensive representation and participation in political decisions while producing outcomes broadly in accordance with the common interest of society. This contrasts with the procedural quality and the material achievements of most, if not all, really existing democracies. South America is paradigmatic. Here, the legitimation of liberal democracy through both procedure and performance is weak and yet ‘third wave democracies’ have managed to survive even harsh economic and political crises. The article presents a conceptual framework to analyse historically specific patterns of democratic stabilization and pacification. Analyses of the processes of socio-political destabilization and re-stabilization in Argentina and Ecuador since the late 1990s show how a ‘de-idealized’ perspective on the democratic civil peace helps explain the viability of democratic regimes that systematically deviate from the ideal-type conditions for democratic survival that have been proposed in the literature.  相似文献   
95.
The democratization literature has increased our understanding of the role of institutional variables in the study of democratic sustainability. Debates about the dangers of presidentialism have been central to this body of research. In more recent times the presidentialism literature has focused on the capacity of presidents to overcome the conflict-inducing nature of the separation of powers through successful coalition formation. This review article moves this research agenda forward by examining how presidents build legislative coalitions in different regional contexts. Based on the extant analysis of presidential systems in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and the former Soviet Union, the article develops the idea that presidents use a toolbox of five key tools when constructing legislative coalitions: agenda power, budgetary authority, cabinet management, partisan powers, and informal institutions. We find that presidents typically utilize more than one tool when they act; that the combinations of tools they employ affects the usage and strength of other parts of the presidential toolkit; and that the choice of tools can create negative consequences for the wider political system. Our findings reveal the limitations of the univariate bias of much of the early presidentialism literature and the need for greater cross-regional research into the effects of presidential rule.  相似文献   
96.
中美政府人事管理价值的历史演进与比较分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
价值的进路是深入到政府人事管理内核的必由之路。美国政府人事管理价值的历史演进体现了政治回应、道德主义、效率、个人权利、专业的职业化、社会公平等价值,其发展趋势是维护传统理念、加强管理弹性和以结果为本。中国政府人事管理价值的历史演进体现了宗族主义、政治回应、道德主义、公平竞争、分权等价值,其发展趋势主要是法治主义、效率和分权。美国和中国在政府人事管理价值历史演进和发展趋势上呈现了许多共同点和差异。  相似文献   
97.
The 2011 presidential elections in Peru was the third one held in the post-Fujimori era. A perusal of the campaign's political dynamics reveals pervasive anti-democratic behaviours, attitudes and rhetoric on the part of key political actors, showcasing the degree to which Peru remains an unconsolidated, precarious democracy. The second round presented a moral and political dilemma insofar as two unsavoury candidates of highly dubious democratic credentials vied for the presidency: Ollanta Humala, a former army lieutenant burdened by accusations of human rights violations who, additionally, led or supported two military uprisings; and Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of a convicted and jailed dictator who unabashedly touted the legacy of her father's authoritarian regime and surrounded herself with tainted fujimoristas. The paradox of this undesirable electoral outcome, which can be read as a popular rebuke of the status quo, is that it took place in the Latin American country posting the fastest economic growth over the past decade.  相似文献   
98.
当今美国网络空间战略在全方位维护国家网络安全的基础上,更注重积极抢占国际网络空间控制权。以新媒体为代表的"网络外交"成为美国实现政治目标的新手段。美国企图以"互联网自由"为旗帜,为其主导网络空间鸣锣开道。由于美国在相当程度上掌握着网络技术的制高点,控制着网络的连接权、话语权,因此在网络空间具有先天优势。当前,在对华网络战略方面,美国也已经由单纯的"网络渗透"转向利用网络空间的主导权和垄断网络资源的优势,对中国进行全方位的网络"侵略"、颠覆和破坏,给中国维护国家安全带来前所未有的冲击和挑战,中国应高度重视美国网络空间战略的动向和变化,妥谋对策。  相似文献   
99.
拉丁美洲从来都是一个思潮多元的地区,哥伦布发现美洲大地后又带来了基督教的思想,基督教从此生根发芽壮大,从维护统治阶级的工具到帮助穷人谋利益的利器。从拉美的解放神学再到现今拉美左翼领导人的宗教思想,这期间的进化过程意味着革命向广度和深度发展。马克思在19世纪认为宗教是反动势力、愚昧主义和保守主义的堡垒。这一论断在很大程度上是一个完全正确的命题,然而拉美的左翼思潮在新时代背景下又略有不同。对于我国目前宗教发展现状与趋势而言,如何科学而合理管理宗教,做到与时俱进是我国社会主义建设过程中必须面对的一个重要命题。  相似文献   
100.
王帆 《外交评论》2002,(2):29-35
冷战后美国的亚太联盟体系经历了过渡与调整两个阶段。与冷战时期相比 ,延续大于变化。冷战后美国亚太联盟的深化与拓展主要体现在两个方面 :一是联盟内部的功能性调整 ;二是双边同盟之间的协调加强。今后美国亚太联盟的变革仍将以渐进方式进行 ,突出制度化建设 ,同时增加联盟合作的高技术含量。  相似文献   
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