如何推动中欧关系深入发展

过去3年中欧关系是绘制蓝图和确立目标时期,目前中欧关系已进入勇于解决问题和实现雄心壮志的阶段。双方应抓住谈判签署新的合作协定的机会,将战略伙伴关系定义为“贸易战略伙伴 全球负责任伙伴”。这是介于普通的合作伙伴和军事结盟之间、基于二者间的合作对于双方本身以及全球问题均具有战略影响的一种新型伙伴关系。中国在与欧盟发展战略伙伴关系时要把握欧洲的特殊性,认识到欧盟是一个特殊和复杂的国际行为体,并对其内部的差异性做到心中有数。解决武器禁售问题需要外交技巧,中国应主动与欧盟一道共同影响和改变美国的态度。市场经济地位问题的解决则有赖于中欧经贸关系大背景的改善。     

《中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议》初探——以世界贸易组织法为起点

本文从分析中国—东盟自由贸易区与WTO的法律关系以及《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》与WTO协议的衔接等方面入手,围绕如何在严格遵守并有效利用WTO法律体系中有关区域经济一体化的法律规则的同时,充分实现中国—东盟自由贸易区的建成将给我国经济发展带来的促进作用进行探讨。     

试论台湾与东南亚关系的现实基础、影响因素及发展路径

台湾和东南亚的关系与两岸关系及大陆-台湾-东南亚国家三方关系的互动有着密切联系.随着大陆实力的增强,因两岸关系对立而产生的东南亚国家不得不在大陆与台湾之间进行选择的政治难题已经消失,以中国-东盟自由贸易区建设为先导的东亚区域经济一体化进程更从客观上弱化了台湾单独与东南亚国家发展关系的政策效应.由于以"东盟+n"方式参与东亚区域经济合作将导致两岸关系的恶化和多方关系的复杂化,因此,台湾直接参与已经开始实施的"东盟+中国"合作框架将更有利于台湾的发展以及与此相关各方关系的协调.     

Von einem liberalen zu einem post‐liberalen Wohlfahrtsstaat: der Wandel der gewerkschaftlichen Sozialpolitik in der Schweiz

The article reconstructs the development of the Swiss welfare state against the background of the transformation of trade unions' social policy activities. It detects a sequence of trade unions' activities in social policy which runs uniformly to the development of the welfare state. While in the liberal phase of the Swiss welfare state trade unions were sceptical of national social policy and preferred mutual insurance and collective bargaining, in its post‐liberal phase they have become proponents of national social policy legislation.     

落实工会维权观的关键——强化执行力

中国特色社会主义工会维权观,集中体现了党中央对工会维权工作的总体要求,是工会落实科学发展观的具体体现。各级工会组织和工会干部只有强化执行力,努力践行工会维权观的具体要求,才能进一步发挥工会组织、引导、服务群众和维护职工合法权益的作用。     

Edward Gough Whitlam, 1916–2014: An Assessment of His Political Significance

Gough Whitlam’s political significance lies in the first instance in his leading the Australian Labor Party into office at federal level in December 1972 after 23 years in opposition. As prime minister he instituted wide-ranging domestic reforms expanding the involvement of the Commonwealth government into many areas affecting the lives of ordinary Australians. He faced a declining economic situation and a parliamentary opposition determined to impede his reforms; the blocking of supply in the Senate culminated in Whitlam’s dismissal by the governor-general on 11 November 1975. In foreign policy, Whitlam repositioned Australia as an active middle power. His opening to China coincided with the Sino-American normalisation, leading to a new direction in Australian foreign policy that gained momentum in subsequent years; the fundamentals of the Australian relationship with the United States remained intact. Whitlam was motivated by a vision of ‘positive equality’ in government services as the basis of social democracy. From a contemporary perspective there is less faith in the efficacy of government action than was the case with Whitlam. His government bears comparison with the great reform governments in the Australian Labor tradition, as well as in Canada, the United Kingdom, and even the United States.     

The EU,Economic Partnership Agreements and Africa

Africa has been divided into four groups of states by the European Union in the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that will define the relationship between Africa and Europe in the future. The EPAs are unfair. They demand reciprocity between the EU countries collectively and each African country individually and they set conditions that will be demanded by any other country or groups of countries with which African countries seek trade arrangements. Further, separate EPAs among different groupings of African countries will undermine Africa’s wider integration efforts, leaving it in thrall to EU companies. In their present form the EPAs are not in Africa’s interest and will unnecessarily undermine the potential for Europe’s improved relationship with the continent.     

中国与东盟的贸易变迁:1992—2012

过去20年,中国和东盟间的贸易增长很快,贸易结构也发生了很多变化。本文主要考察这一时期双边贸易的变化,对其中的贸易构成、贸易强度、行业内贸易、贸易互补和贸易竞争等问题进行了研究。     

Globalization,International Organizations,and Telecommunications

Since the 1990s over 158 countries established pro‐market reforms in telecommunications—a fast pace for such a drastic change. For example, Sweden and Botswana, two nations vastly different across multiple dimensions, both liberalized their telecom sectors. Why did so many countries adopt liberal reforms in such a short period of time? Conventional wisdom highlights the role of global markets and technology, powerful states, global diffusion, and domestic politics. I argue that contrary to these claims, diffusion through key international organizations is the critical and overlooked factor in explaining rapid global convergence of pro‐market telecom reforms. Using an original dataset for 189 countries between 1970 and 2003 and event history analysis, I demonstrate that membership in key liberal trading organizations, especially the WTO and the OECD, increases the likelihood that countries will adopt liberal pro‐market reforms in telecommunications. These results speak directly to current public policy debates about the reregulation of global markets and bridges the literatures of policy diffusion, institutional design, and regulatory regimes.     

Global democracy in a society of peoples

This paper explores the political structures suitable for the realization of John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples (1999). In particular, it explores whether Rawls’ principles and fundamental foundations recommend establishing global institutions and, if so, whether, and in what sense, these institutions should be democratic. It is often suggested, either implicitly or explicitly, that The Law of Peoples would operate through the bilateral and multilateral interactions of, ideally conceived, nation-states. This paper argues, on the contrary, that it would advise a series of democratic global institutions. The case is developed with respect to the idea of a global institution with the remit of regulating international trade and applied, in the contemporary context, to the World Trade Organization (WTO).