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91.
消费主义思潮不但对大学生思想观念产生深刻影响,而且制约着高校思想政治教育有效性的充分发挥。要有效应对消费主义思潮对高校思想政治教育有效性的影响,需要我们一要以社会主义核心价值观为指导,重视我国传统教育,倡导大学生树立科学的消费观;二要加强高校思想政治教育理论课的引导,创新教育方法,丰富教育内容,追求正确的自我认知;三要加强良好校园文化环境的建设,如合理运用校园广播媒体,组织开展校园文化活动等。  相似文献   
92.
将博客运用到高校辅导员学生工作中是提高其工作科学化、信息化、规范化的有效途径之一。高校辅导员在实际工作中,要充分运用博客这一高效的信息传播手段进行班级日常管理,加强大学生思想政治教育、德育教育和心理健康教育三项日常教育,搭建与学生交流的信息共享平台,完善学生电子档案管理和评价体系,以促进学生工作的进一步开展。  相似文献   
93.
高校学生工作档案管理是高校工作中不可缺少的重要组成部分,对提升学生工作的效率和质量起着十分重要的作用。新形势下,高校学生工作档案管理存在业务管理不规范、制度不健全、人员素质不高等问题,因此,必须通过创新管理理念、健全管理制度、提高人员综合素质、加强档案信息化建设等途径不断加强和改进,以使其更好地服务于高校的建设和发展。  相似文献   
94.
正ON January 25,Chinese tennis player Li Na polarized the world’s attention when she won the Australian Open,the second Grand Slam championship win of her sports career.Soon,the media was f looded with praise for her performance and the nation’s pride was palpable."Li Na Fever"is set to last.  相似文献   
95.
ABSTRACT

In 1892, the Senate of the University College of North Wales in Bangor conducted an enquiry into the behaviour of Frances Hughes, Lady Principal of the women’s hall of residence, for defamatory remarks she had made about one of her students. Her accusations instigated a scandal that rocked the provincial college to its core, led to two separate libel lawsuits, and was even mentioned in the House of Lords. Using the ‘Bangor College Scandal’ as a case study, this article explores how student life in the new civic universities of the late-nineteenth century was shaped by regulation and supervision, as university authorities sought to avoid controversy through limiting mixed-gender interaction. It will argue that this control was often manifested in spatial terms, enabled by the deliberate design and arrangement of university spaces.  相似文献   
96.
在国际国内形势和公安工作变化的新形势下,本文针对新时期公安院校大学生的思想特点,结合公安院校思想政治理论课教育教学现状,探寻提高公安院校思想政治理论课教学实效性的现实路径。通过对公安院校思想政治理论课教学所面临的新情况、新挑战的分析,提出有效对策和解决方案,不断增强公安院校的思想政治理论课教育和教学的实效性,以便实现公安院校思想政治理论课真正的"入脑、入心",对做好培养预备役警察思想政治教育工作,发挥思想政治理论课在公安人才培养中的价值具有极其重要和深刻的意义。  相似文献   
97.
This article contests the misconception that the Hall of Memory of the Australian War Memorial, Canberra, represents an irreligious space. While accommodating the expectations of a post-secular society, this belief fails to recognise the influence of Christianity upon the generation that experienced World War I and developed the memorial practices that arose in response to it. Veteran-artist M. Napier Waller embedded complex religious symbolism in the scheme of three windows he designed and executed for the hall. Drawing on his individual experience of battle, personal philosophy of art and the medieval customs of his forebears, Waller told the story of Australia’s experience of the war and aligned a nation’s sacrifice with that of Christ: His Crucifixion, Resurrection and Ascension are symbolised in the south, west and east windows, respectively. The inclusion of a nurse was central to Waller’s plans and required he manipulate the men creating the memorial to achieve his goal. In doing so, he neutralised the greatest threat to his vision: its founder, Charles Bean, and located a woman of many identities—a Martial Madonna—as the heart of national sacrifice in Australia’s premier war memorial.  相似文献   
98.
Before the emergence of the United Nations at the end of the Second World War, human rights were generally scantily recognised in international law and, even under the UN Charter of 1945, indigenous peoples received merely tacit reference. Since the 1970s, however, several normative instruments have been adopted to give recognition to the rights of indigenous peoples as a distinct component of international human rights law. With the further adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by the UN General Assembly in 2007, the subject has assumed new dimensions with the possibilities of new vistas. What, for instance, is the role of African universities in the promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples as critical agents in the global human rights and development agenda? The purpose of this article, among others, is to synthesise the strategic approaches to the rights of indigenous peoples and to accentuate a more informed conceptualisation of what the role of African universities on this subject ought to be, and must be, in the light of the dynamic opportunities of the post-2007 era.  相似文献   
99.
This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period.  相似文献   
100.
This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia.  相似文献   
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