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231.
姓名是社会群体身份与文化认同的一个独特而重要的视角,中文姓名的传承和使用是华人对其身份和中华文化认同的表现。东南亚青年华人在一定范围内保留并使用中文姓名,他们在中文姓氏、名字结构、用字情况、重名现象等方面与同时代中国人的情况有所差异;在东南亚各国内部,这四个维度上的表现也是同中有异,其中性别和国籍是两个重要影响指标,其差异的出现与华人住在国的历史、政治、文化和语言环境等有一定关系。  相似文献   
232.
There is reason to believe that exposure to public broadcasting can positively affect voter turnout, but these effects are hard to empirically disaggregate. This paper examines the geographically delimited roll out of BBC radio in England, which coincided with successive off-cycle general elections in the 1920s. Combining spatially interpolated census data with constituency-level electoral returns, a matched difference-in-differences design finds that turnout increases with radio exposure. This finding is supported by qualitative examination of the roll out alongside a range of robustness checks. The study makes a contribution to the literature on media and voting behaviour, while enhancing our understanding of how the BBC shapes electoral behaviour in Britain.  相似文献   
233.
The Labour Together review of the 2019 election brings together polling data, survey data, interviews, and submissions from across the Labour movement. An unpopular leader, tensions around the Brexit position, and a manifesto which was not seen as credible, are all found to have contributed to the scale of the defeat, but Labour’s unexpectedly strong performance in 2017 also masked long-term issues in its connection with the electorate and within the party’s campaign organisation. The report attempts to move beyond simply diagnosing the difficulties the party faces, but some of the thorniest issues for the party to resolve are nonetheless left unresolved.  相似文献   
234.
The role of new sources of data has become of increasing interest to those involved in political campaigning and a legislative focus of policy makers and regulators. Utilising Karl-Heinz Nassmacher’s ‘magic quadrangle’ of ‘accounting, practicality, sanctions and transparency’ and a case study of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 this article unpicks how successful the ‘guiding philosophy’ of transparency was in delivering increased citizen confidence in the democratic process. I ultimately argue that at the heart of all discussions about what regulation in this area should look like, an uncomfortable paradox has to be accepted: that transparency may well help to quell actual instances of malfeasance and the misuse of data, but may at the same time increase citizen distrust in democratic processes. Any regulation should consider the ways in which transparency might be implemented such that it better supports the stated legislative aims.  相似文献   
235.
David Chapman 《Japan Forum》2017,29(2):154-179
In this article, I explore a little known aspect of British and Japanese history that began not long after Japan open its ports to the west in the middle of the nineteenth century. It is about negotiations between Japan and foreign powers over sovereign control of an island archipelago 1,000 kilometers southeast of Edo (Tokyo). The Ogasawara (Bonin) Islands were first visited by Japanese in the seventeenth century, declared British territory in 1827 and then reclaimed by Japan in 1876. The diplomatic discussions involved the British and US Consuls acting under instructions from their respective governments and negotiating with the highest levels of Japanese authority during both the Tokugawa and Meiji Periods. I argue that the islands were of little importance to either the governments of Britain or America and that the British authorities were more than willing to hand over sovereign control of the Bonin Islands to the Japanese as early as 1862. Indeed, by the mid-1870s, the British authorities in England were more concerned that the Japanese would not claim the islands and that Britain would be burdened with their responsibility. In arguing this, I provide a novel perspective of Japan's struggles with becoming a modern nation in an increasingly international setting.  相似文献   
236.
二战以前,马来亚的华侨不仅人口众多、经济实力雄厚,而且其经济活动遍及马来亚的生产领域和分配领域的各个方面,因而在对马来亚的社会经济发展产生重要影响的同时,也对中国与马来亚的贸易关系发展产生了巨大的影响,在沟通和增进中国与马来亚的贸易往来方面具有举足轻重的地位和不可替代的作用.  相似文献   
237.
程希 《东南亚研究》2007,26(5):64-71
本文对2001-2006年间中国大陆出版的华侨华人学术著作进行了较为全面的梳理,并着重对有关东南亚华侨华人的研究成果进行了分析和评述.  相似文献   
238.
1927年诞生的暨南大学南洋文化事业部,是中国现代史上规模最大、历时最久、成绩最多、声名最著的东南亚与华侨华人研究的专门机构,它开辟了中国现代东南亚与华侨华人研究的一个"新纪元".关于这一机构的历史沿革,已有的叙述或有讹误与疏略之处.本文对这一问题进行详细考察,提出较为清楚准确的表述,以供学者了解暨大校情以及进行东南亚与华侨华人研究学术史回顾时参考.  相似文献   
239.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):626-645
ABSTRACT

Historically the British Trades Union Congress’s (TUC) role in a significant number of major industrial disputes has been subject to both accusations of ‘betrayals’ and ‘sell-outs’ as well as more sympathetic accounts which emphasise the constraints faced by the TUC both in terms of their institutional role and their relationship with constituent unions. Drawing on evidence concerning the role of the TUC in significant disputes including the 1926 General Strike, the strike wave of 1972, 1975–8 Grunwick dispute, the 1978/9 ‘winter of discontent’, the 1984/5 miners’ strike, the 1986–7 News International strike and more recent examples, the paper highlights four constraints on the role of the TUC in relation to major disputes: their political loyalty to the Labour Party; an aversion to defying the law; the avoidance of appearing to challenge state power; and structural constraints to an extent inherent within trade union officialdom.  相似文献   
240.
海外关于人类命运共同体的研究主要从提出缘由、理论内涵、实践路径三个方面展开。海外研究所普遍认同的是,人类命运共同体是中国为应对当前国际环境复杂变化、实现外交政策发展创新、树立大国形象与提升国际话语权而提出的;它既是中国优秀传统文化的当代体现,也是马克思主义中国化理论的重大创新,同时还遵循了《联合国宪章》与和平共处的基本原则;"一带一路"倡议以及亚投行等金融机构是其主要实践载体,构建多层级、多维度的命运共同体是其现实展开。海外研究的分野之处,主要体现在其对人类命运共同体积极、谨慎与消极的三种不同评价态度上。  相似文献   
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