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31.
推动“文化人侨”,增强海外同胞对中华传统文化的认同感和归属感,对于密切海内外同胞关系具有重要意义。通过出版传播推动“文化入侨”是密切海内外同胞关系的重要方式。以中国致公出版社为平台,中国致公党在出版传播实践中推动“文化入侨”大有可为。 相似文献
32.
新加坡、马来亚华人秘密会党是中国天地会在海外的分支 ,长期以来对新马华人社会产生了极大的影响。第二次世界大战之后 ,新马华人秘密会党发生了很大变化 ,他们的活动不断在高潮与低谷中交替进行。与此同时 ,因为社会生存环境的改变 ,他们的组织结构、活动模式、活动范围及帮规礼仪等也不断变化 ,然而无论秘密会党作出何种调整 ,最终都难逃被历史淘汰的命运。 相似文献
33.
新时期侨务工作作为中国一项十分重要并将长期存在的战略性工作,涵盖统一战线、民间外交、和平发展、和谐世界等多个层面,受到党和国家的高度重视。从学理上准确定位中国侨务工作的性质、任务和原则,对于实现侨务工作又好又快发展、构建和谐侨务具有重要意义。 相似文献
34.
印度尼西亚是“一带一路”沿线重要的节点国家,印尼华人是印尼国家多元民族中不可分割的一部分,在印度尼西亚不同历史时期,他们都发挥了重要作用。作为著名的海外华人研究学者,廖建裕先生从不同角度和层面对印尼华人和东南亚华人进行了深入研究和探讨,取得了丰硕的成果,本文介绍他的学术生平、学术贡献以及他对印尼民族国家建构的理论和观点。 相似文献
35.
Craig McAngus Christopher Huggins John Connolly Arno van der Zwet 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):802-807
With the UK set to leave the EU, the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) will no longer apply and an alternative legislative framework will need to be put in place, simultaneously navigating the devolved settlement. However, aspects of fisheries management fall under the area of international negotiation which is reserved to the UK government. Disagreements between the UK and Scottish governments over where the line between devolved and reserved lies in this matter has led to difficulties in formulating a post‐Brexit fisheries framework. This dispute has exposed weaknesses in relations between the two governments. 相似文献
36.
华侨国内权益保护立法模式探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着中国社会和经济的发展,公民权益保障方面的法律越来越健全。适时赋予华侨完全的国内公民待遇,逐步淡化乃至适时取消对其的适当照顾,增加有关公民权益保障一般法中的涉侨内容,是保护华侨国内权益的有效方法。学界通说的制订特别法保护华侨国内权益,因其立法和执法成本巨大,并非保护华侨权益的最佳选择。保护华侨国内权益的立法模式由特别法转向一般法,以及由此引起的侨务工作的调整,是一个需要引起华侨工作者高度重视的理论和现实问题。 相似文献
37.
The conventional wisdom on Western European politics leads us to believe that all the “action” lies with parties, because the unified parliamentary delegations in Western Europe draw voters' attention to parties' policies and images. Though British elections take place under a single member district plurality system, British parties, like their continental counterparts, are highly centralised and feature disciplined parliamentary delegations. Despite the strong ties between British candidates and their parties, we demonstrate that perceptions of candidates' personal attributes can be used to predict general election outcomes. Using a computer-based survey where subjects are asked to evaluate real British candidates using only rapidly determined first impressions of facial images, we successfully predict outcomes from the 2010 general election. Moreover, we find that perceptions of candidates' relative attractiveness are particularly useful for predicting outcomes in marginal constituencies. 相似文献
38.
鸦片税收专卖承包制一度被认为是华侨剥削印尼人民的罪证,19世纪末爪哇社会出现反鸦片风潮,殖民政府借机以鸦片公营专卖局取代了鸦片税收专卖承包制。本文作者指出,以公营代替私营,殖民者的最终目的在于从华侨手中夺过经济大权以获取更高的利润,华侨始终不过是荷兰殖民统治的工具。 相似文献
39.
In the aftermath of the August 2011 riots, politicians and commentators offered a range of explanations for the social unrest and wanton violence. Drawing on survey and focus‐group data, this paper investigates those explanations by analysing how socio‐economic, normative and political factors shape contemporary attitudes towards law breaking in Britain. The paper finds that both economic deprivation and personal moral values help to explain attitudes toward illegal behaviour, but citizens’ mistrust of political leaders and their disengagement from public affairs are also an important factor. The findings suggest that politicians who want to provide moral leadership need to do so through their actions as well as their words. 相似文献
40.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):359-376
Taking recent developments in the study of fascism as a cultural system as a starting point, Spurr examines the interrelationship between notions of race, sportsmanship and Britishness in the subculture of the British Union of Fascists (BUF). More specifically, by focusing on the BUF’s understandings of Britishness and sportsmanship, he highlights the self-reflexive qualities of the movement’s subculture in which a fascist world-view shaped not only explicitly political programmes but also the ways in which this variant of European fascism mirrored particularly English modes of defining national identity and cultural difference in the rhetoric of sportsmanship. In addition, Spurr outlines one of the many ways that this fascist culture shaped social practice in the fascist community, so reflecting an assumption that fascism was as much a lived experience as it was a world of ideas and political philosophy. In so doing, he examines the implications of the BUF’s distinctly English notion of sportsmanship for its followers’ self-definition as Britons, and how this understanding functioned in the construction of the counter-image of the Sporting Jew. As a metaphor, while seemingly rather innocuous, this characterization of the Jew enabled Mosleyites to express a multilayered critique of Jews in a manner that encapsulated their wider ideological concerns and in an idiom readily recognized in the wider context of British inter-war culture. In adopting this approach, Spurr rejects suggestions that the BUF mimicked Nazi models of antisemitism and moves beyond revisionist historiography’s concern with origins and forms to explore the cultural functions of racism in the movement’s subculture. 相似文献