Rising Damp in the Suburbs. Or ‘Whatever Happened to the Villa Tory?’

The suburban areas that were initially stereotyped in the late nineteenth century as ‘Villa Tory’ strongholds and exemplified by Hackney and Islington had, by the 1980s, become ‘bedsitter’ areas dominated by the political left. An examination of the evolution of electoral behaviour in these areas shows that conservatism did indeed dominate the villa suburbs, and that although there were previous intimations of decline, it was not until 1945 that Labour broke the Conservatives’ grip. The causes of this are identified as an outward movement of the population to interwar suburbia, the breaking up of villas into flats, and Labour's increasing appeal to middle class electors. In this category of seats, Labour has outperformed the party's national achievement consistently since 1955; the party's exceptional results here in the 2017 election are, therefore, a new peak on a long‐term trend rather than a breakthrough.     

‘A question between empires’: the restriction of Japanese immigration in British Columbia and the reassessment of Japan's foreign policy, 1907–1908

Abstract

Great Britain was the first of the major Powers that revised its unequal treaty with Japan, recognizing the success of Japan's modernization and its growing role in the international arena. However, British Columbia perceived Japanese residents as a threat to ‘the British character’ of this regions' population profile. After the movement against Japanese residents in British Columbia peaked during the anti-Japanese riots in Vancouver in September of 1907, Canadian Minister of Labor Rodolphe Lemieux headed a diplomatic delegation to Tokyo to negotiate the restriction of Japanese immigration to Canada. The dispatch of this mission revealed some of the complexities in relations between the Colonial and Foreign Offices in London on the one hand and the Dominion's and British Columbian governments on the other. Based on previously unused primary sources, this article will examine the interplay between the policy towards Japanese migrants in the British Dominion of Canada and the British policy towards Japan as a nation.     

目击辨认中被辨认犯罪嫌疑人权利问题探析

刑事诉讼法关于目击辨认制度各方面的规定比较粗疏、操作性差．尤其是被辨认犯罪嫌疑人的相关权利的缺失以及难以得到充分的、有效的保障。可借鉴域外两大法系尤其是英美两国的相关成熟的做法和经验，并在此基础上综合考虑我国的传统法律文化、诉讼制度、经济发展水平、侦讯技术水平等因素，弥补、完善我国刑事诉讼相关法律这方面的不足．以求达到目击辨认程序中控辩双方的大体平衡。     

19世纪初至20世纪初的仰光华侨社会

中国人移居缅甸历史悠久,尤其在19世纪初至20世纪初,华侨不断地涌入缅甸,缅甸华侨社会由此发生了巨大的变化。这一时期仰光华侨社会的变化与19世纪缅甸社会历史的发展进程,特别是三次英缅战争（1824～1826年,1852年、1885年）有着密切的关联。在这一时期,仰光华侨社会随着缅甸社会的变化而变化,诸如华侨的籍贯构成、经济活动、人口分布、社会组织关系等。在移民与贸易的互动作用下,这一时期仰光华侨网络逐渐形成并成为缅甸华侨网络最重要的组成部分。     

当代英国华人社会与政治参与：以2010年大选为中心

本文以英国华人参与2010年下议院选举为中心，分析英国华人社会的变迁与政治参与。本文分为两个主要部分。第一部分讨论近20年来英国华人社会的结构及其特征，指出尽管华人人数迅速增加，但华人社会内部的多元化和碎片化的特征明显存在，这对华人社会内部凝聚力的形成和对英国国家认同感的建立有一定的阻碍作用。近来这一情形有所改变。第二部分围绕参加2010年选举的8位华裔候选人的政纲、组织、策略和选举结果，具体分析英国华人参政的成就与问题。结语部分探讨英国华人社会融合和参政的未来道路以及政策含义。     

论中国公民海外权益保护权—以利比亚撤侨为视角

中国公民海外权益保护权是中国公民在海外依法享有的一项宪法基本权利,有自己独立的特征。党和国家一贯重视保护中国公民在海外的正当权益,并不断加大保护力度,尤其体现在利比亚大撤侨的全过程中。保护海外中国公民权益,是我国国家性质、国家主权属性的内在要求,也是我们党的执政理念和维护人权的法治精神的重要体现。当然,保护海外中国公民合法权益工作还存在一些不足,值得我们认真总结和反思。     

华侨华人国籍法律问题新论

随着国际社会的发展,国籍法衍生了消除国籍冲突引发的问题、国籍不等同公民权、取得多国国籍三项新原则.与此同时,很多国家纷纷修改完善国籍法,核心是承认双重国籍,松动拥有国籍等同公民权原则,以追求和实现本国利益的最大化.中国<国籍法>实施30年来几乎没有任何变化,存在着许多与国际形势、国家利益不相协调的地方.修订<国籍法>时,有必要认真考虑和平衡集中居住在东南亚地区的多数华侨华人和分散居住在欧美澳的新华侨华人的利益.改革的可行方案是渐进有序地推进务实灵活的双重国籍政策,从宽对待华人恢复国籍和入籍问题,同时,预设制度以防范认可双重国籍可能引发的冲突.     

对英语教学中英美文化导入的思考

不同的民族有着不同的社会文化背景，学习一种外语必须了解这种语言所承载的文化。我们拟从语言与文化的关系入手，说明外语教学中文化导入的必要性，提出教学中文化导入的方法及导入的内容。在目前的外语教育中，如果同时加入外国语言的相关文化背景教学，会成为用好外语的关键。     

衡平法地产权:对人权到对世权之蝶变

产生于中世纪的英国衡平法地产权是英国财产法极具特色的制度安排。衡平法地产权经历了从对人权到对世权的演变之路:起初,衡平法法院在承认受托人普通法地产权人权利的基础上赋予衡平法权益人对受托人请求交付地产收益的相对性的权利,后来衡平法权益人的利益可以对抗除支付合理对价且善意受领普通法地产的第三人以外的任何人,成为真正对世权意义上的地产权。了解衡平法地产权之演变可以了解对人权与对世权对话与沟通,有助于各种财产权的权利性质的分析与把握。     

The Blair Governments, Public Sector Reform and State Strategic Capacity

Two books at the end of the Blair era—by Michael Barber and Julian Le Grand—offer to redeem the ‘third way’. Both authors explore the political case for public sector reform and the means by which it can be accomplished. They explore a similar range of reform models: command and control; quasi‐markets; and devolution and transparency. But the circle between efficiency, client service and continuous improvement must be squared. Neither author considers the ‘learning by doing’ alternative. No less fundamentally, neither author addresses the political and technical challenges in developing strategy. How are issues to be aired in advance so as to expose evidence and perspectives? How are interests to be engaged and supporting coalitions formed? How are these processes to occur without executive commitment? How are unconventional ideas to be aired without being over‐ruled by populist or media sensationalism? These are the practical dilemmas that confounded Blair's efforts. These books invite a strategic conversation that is badly needed. But where in the political system can it be pursued?