构建我国国有企业境外直接投资法律监管的若干思考

随着我国“走出去”战略的实施和发展,国有企业进行境外直接投资已经成为我国对外投资的重要组成部分,但也出现了诸如经营状况差强人意、国有资产流失严重等问题,对其的法律监管亟待加强和完善。本文从国有企业境外直接投资法律监管的现状入手,说明和分析法律监管存在的问题,通过比较分析和借鉴其他国家企业境外直接投资的法律监管模式,提出如何加强我国国有企业境外直接投资法律监管的法律思考,包括建立符合我国国情的有限监管体制、制订《境外直接投资管理法》和重新定位行政监管机构。     

文化冷战与华侨华人:美国对东南亚华侨华人的宣传渗透

美国在冷战时期对华侨华人的文化冷战是冷战国际史学界最新的一个研究领域,是美国对外宣传史、华侨华人史、中美关系史三个领域交叉的产物。美国对华侨华人的文化冷战经历了从中国政策向东南亚政策的转变,以香港美国新闻处为核心宣传机构实行遥控指挥,并把《今日世界》杂志为代表的书刊纸媒作为主要传媒手段。美国对华侨华人文化冷战的主题和项目主要集中在四个方面:利用传统文化促进台湾声誉,利用文学作品进行反共宣传,用华裔美国人的形象宣传美国价值观,和台湾合作与中国大陆争夺侨生教育。美国对华侨华人的宣传主要并不集中在对政治、外交事件和美国政策的报道和阐释上,而是把重点投注在意识形态、价值观和情感的塑造上,其根本观念以及核心的宣传思路是直接诉诸塑造华人身份认同,把冷战意识形态建构为华侨华人身份认同的一部分,此举于今仍有影响。研究美国对华侨华人的文化冷战,对认识和理解当前的中美关系和大国竞争态势可以提供一定的镜鉴。     

‘The film gone male’: women and the transition to sound in the British film industry 1929–1932

ABSTRACT

Taking its cue from Dorothy Richardson’s essay, ‘The Film Gone Male’ written for the critical, Left-wing British film publication Close Up in 1932, this article looks at women working in the British film industry during the transition from silent to sound cinema between 1929 and 1932. It considers the effects of new sound technology on women’s roles in front of and behind the camera from production to reception and critique. It also questions whether sound technology further marginalised women as producers of cinema and interrogates whether synchronised sound masculinised film as Richardson asserted.     

Third molar development in a London population of White British and Black British or other Black ethnicity

Population differences in dental development between Black and White ethnic groups have been debated but not previously studied in the UK. Using inappropriate data for dental age estimation (DAE) could lead to erroneous results and injustice. Data were collected from dental panoramic radiographs of 5590 subjects aged 6–24 years in a teaching hospital archive. Demirjian stages were determined for left-sided teeth and third molars and data collected regarding hypodontia and third molar agenesis. Third molar development in self-assigned Black British, including other self-assigned Black ethnicity, was compared with that of self-assigned White British subjects. Data were compared for males and females in the two ethnic groups using T-tests for Demirjian Stages A–G of third molar development and Mann-Whitney tests for Stage H once a cut-off age at the maximum age for Stage G had been imposed. Third molar development occurred earlier in subjects of Black ancestry compared to those of White ancestry. While both ethnic groups showed large age ranges for every third molar stage, in female subjects these generally occurred at least 1.5 years earlier, and in males at least one year earlier. Hypodontia and third molar agenesis were more prevalent in White British, but the ethnic difference in third molar development persisted in subjects with complete dentitions. This is a large study that confirms ethnic differences in a London population, emphasises the difficulties of establishing the 18-year-old threshold using DAE, and confirms the risk of overestimating the age of individuals of Black ethnicity using White ethnic reference data.     

晚清华工赴巴拿马筑路开河初探

十九世纪中叶以降,巴拿马因修筑铁路、开凿运河的需要,在中国东南沿海贩运大批廉价壮丁抵巴。旅巴侨胞为巴拿马经济和社会的发展做出巨大牺牲与贡献。早期巴拿马却歧视、驱赶华民,排华浪潮因政府参与主导而愈演愈烈。清政府面对旅巴保工护侨的态度渐趋积极,通过外交磋商、设领事馆等措施以改善侨胞的生存环境。     

The Feminist Art of Self-Education

Abstract

Sociologist Elizabeth Long has charted the emergence of women’s reading groups in nineteenth-century America. ‘The women who founded literary clubs’, Long (2004, 337) tells us, ‘were aflame with the then revolutionary desire for education and self-development, which they called “self-culture”.’ Comparable aspirations continued to fuel a drive amongst women to organize together within reading and publishing groups, usually outside of official institutions, well into the twentieth century. This ‘revolutionary desire’ for self-education has also been evident in the UK women’s art and art history movement, although it has not been addressed in thorough detail. This article therefore seeks to situate an overlooked history of artistic reading and publishing communities in relation to an established body of theory in literary and cultural studies. These theoretical materials will illuminate the importance that reading and self-education (either in person or as part of a periodical network) had in establishing solidarity, and generating debate, within a flourishing art and art history movement. The second half of this article focuses on a specific case study. FAN: Feminist Art News (1980–1993) was an independent, grassroots publication that grew out of the Women Artists’ Newsletter in London. Temporary editorial collectives published themed issues on a quarterly basis. This article contends that it is no coincidence the subject of art education formed the focus of the periodical’s first issue, as well as a subsequent issue four years later. This indicates the significance of a reflexive auto-didacticism to second-wave feminism, as well as gesturing towards the long history of ‘education and self-improvement’ that has fuelled women’s reading and study groups since the nineteenth century.     

试论辛亥革命时期孙中山的海外华侨统战工作

辛亥革命时期，并未曾出现真正意义上的统一战线说辞，但孙中山在争取海外华侨革命力量时，所做的种种努力却处处透着现代统战工作的身影。目前，纵观辛亥革命与海外华侨的研究，大多数学者都侧重于研究华侨在辛亥革命中所起的作用，而对于统战工作在华侨中发挥的重要作用，则长期忽视。基于此，本文拟就对孙中山的统战策略进行了研究，以求为现代统战工作提供宝贵经验。     

Internationalization and democratization interconnected: the Swedish and Finnish parliaments debating membership in the League of Nations in 1920

In the aftermath of the First World War, constitutions of European states were widely democratized and parliamentarized, and similar turns were expected in international relations as a consequence of the creation of the League of Nations. This comparative analysis of Swedish and Finnish parliamentary debates on the League membership focusing on conceptualizations of the national versus international demonstrates how democratization and internationalization merged discursively. This happened to a greater extent than in the British parliament or the First Assembly of the League. Such entanglements followed from the interconnectedness of constitutional and foreign policy questions during preceding disputes on constitutional reform when Britain and Germany had provided competing models, the determination of the ministries to reconfirm national constitutional compromises by joining an international organization of democratic nations, an exceptional possibility for parliamentarians to debate foreign policy and willingness among the leftist oppositions to extend the democratization and parliamentarization of the constitutions to the field of foreign policy. After a turn from German to British political models and under a Bolshevik threat, British internationalist arguments found a positive reception among the Swedish Liberal–Social Democratic coalition and the Finnish bourgeois coalition as well as half of the redefined Finnish Social Democratic Party. Rightist and far-leftist opponents of the League were left to the margins as the membership was used to redefine the polities as internationally oriented democracies.     

Origins of British Marxist Literary Theory

The present paper aims to make an objective assessment ofthe achievements made by the earliest British Marxist theorists and critics in the 1930s. It begins with an inquiry into the cultural and social roots for the lack of a profound Marxist intellectual tradition in Britain which was greatly responsible for the late emergence of British Marxist literary criticism. Then it is followed by an introductory analysis of the representative critical works from the hands of three famous Marxist critics of the period: Christopher Caudwell, Ralph Fox and Alick West. In the due course, it reveals their critical insights and theoretical originalities often neglected by some prominent critics and scholars of present day and points out their intellectual defects due to the limits of the time.     

Reformers and revolutionaries: the battle for the working classes in Gibraltar and its hinterland, 1902–1921

Abstract

This article examines labour organisation in Gibraltar and its hinterland from c.1914 to 1921. It demonstrates that the traditionally strong links which had existed between organisations in Gibraltar and neighbouring Spain, links based upon a shared belief in anarchist ideas and practices, had, by 1921, broken down due to the adoption of gradualist and constitutionalist politics and industrial relations by workers on the Rock. Two principle agents drove this change. First, in 1919, the British Workers’ Union established a branch in Gibraltar which successfully worked to establish itself as principle negotiator and representative of workers on the Rock. Second, a reforming governor in Gibraltar undertook to open up political spaces in Gibraltar which offered the potential to work with, rather than against, the state in the colony. By the end of the period, anarchism, and anarchist ideas, was not extinguished in Gibraltar, but they would never again serve as the inspiration for industrial and political campaigns on the Rock, much to the delight of both Gibraltarian employers and the British colonial authorities. This case-study invites further consideration of how British style trade union activity in the empire displaced indigenous forms of organising, a subject which has heretofore received scant attention.