The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.     

我国党文化世俗化的理论建构

我国党文化世俗化是党文化揭开其神秘面纱,日益走向公民社会、世俗社会之中的过程,其在主体构成上通常包括党的思想文化、政治文化、组织文化、领导文化、执政文化的世俗化等基本内容。推进我国党文化世俗化有助于巩固党的领导地位、检验党文化的优劣性、完整展示党的性质、宗旨和任务。为推进党文化世俗化,在策略路向上要坚持做到:着力推进中国化、时代化的马克思主义之大众化进程,将党文化融合到建构完善实践社会主义核心价值体系之中,发挥党文化对社会文化的影响示范效应,以建设学习型政党,促进学习型社会建设。     

列宁保持与群众血肉联系的思想及在中国的借鉴和发展

列宁在领导俄共（布）执政的过程中，充分认识到保持与群众血肉联系的重要，他认为执政党保持与人民群众的血肉联系，是由党的性质任务决定的；是巩固新生政权的需要；是顺利建设社会主义的需要。并且他就如何保持与群众的血肉联系提出一系列思想，他强调要从群众需求的角度出发制定方针政策；执政党要真正深入群众，关心群众生活；给人民广泛的知情权，并充分发挥群众的监督作用。他的这方面思想在中国得以继承和发展。     

走向谈判的工会:党巩固阶级基础的政治架构

在社会主义条件下,工会作为无产阶级执政党联结工人阶级的纽带,是党实现执政使命的重要组织资源。然而,在市场经济条件下,受传统体制的制度约束,工会组织亟待摆脱“制度性弱势”,完成党巩固阶级基础的“传动装置”的再启动。因此,需要在党的推动下实现工会制度创新,不断完善工会维权机制,提高工会组织的代表能力,赢得职工群众的信任,这有利于增强党在代表最广大人民根本利益层面的政治合法性。     

对党校期刊办刊特色的几点思考

如何把党校期刊做大做强、办出自身的特色,是党校期刊目前面临的最重要的问题之一.党校期刊的特色是由其自身的性质、地位和作用决定的,它突出表现在鲜明的党性、理论联系实际以及较强的应用性这三个方面.党校期刊的特色化建设,必须凸显党校特点,创办特色栏目,突出地域特色,充分发挥党校的资源优势;同时还必须强化编辑主体的特色意识,提高编辑主体的学术水平和学术创新能力.     

Owning the issue agenda: Party strategies and vote choices in British elections

Explanations of party competition and vote choice are commonly based on the Downsian view of politics: parties maximise votes by adopting positions on policy dimensions. However, recent research suggests that British voters choose parties based on evaluations of competence rather than on ideological position. This paper proposes a theoretical account which combines elements of the spatial model with the ‘issue ownership’ approach. Whereas the issue ownership theory has focused mainly on party competition, this paper examines the validity of the model from the perspective of both parties and voters, by testing its application to recent British general elections. Our findings suggest that as parties have converged ideologically, competence considerations have become more important than ideological position in British elections.     

A Crowded Stage: Liabilities and Benefits of Multiparty Mediation

In today's environment, the international response to conflict often entails multiple mediators as well as other third-party actors such as peacekeeping forces, development agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and lone operators. Such a profusion of actors has often made peacemaking efforts messy, difficult, and at times chaotic. The vicious nature of internal conflicts, however, and the high costs for the international community of failing to prevent or end war make it critical to understand these multiple third-party interventions. The principal question is: do these multiparty mediations help or hurt the cause of peace? If the answer to that question is that a multiplicity of third parties can hurt a peace process, does the solution lie in stopping multiple third-party attempts at peacemaking? On the other hand, if the answer is that multiparty mediation can help, are there ways of increasing the chances that it will?     

The Attlee government and welfare state reforms in post-war Italian Socialism (1945–51): Between universalism and class policies

The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s.     

都市生态治理中党政干部领导力探讨

推进都市生态治理是促进区域经济社会协调可持续发展的应有之义.本文以A省S市都市生态治理中党政干部领导力为基点,阐释了S市党政干部在生态治理中发挥的核心作用,同时也发现其中面临领导动力弱化、领导效益损耗、领导协同失效、领导制度选择性执行等困局.因此,应从增强都市生态治理中党政干部领导自洽力、提升领导转换力、激活领导制度力...     

新一轮服务贸易谈判若干问题

服务贸易的市场准入及进一步的规则完善是世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判中的重要议题。GATS 规则谈判中的焦点问题包括国内监管纪律、紧急保障措施、服务的政府采购及补贴等。根据香港“部长会议宣言”及附件 C,新一轮服务谈判的发展将表现在谈判目标、方法、时限及关注发展中国家利益等各个方面。我国应积极参与这些谈判,在具体承诺和规则制定方面维护自己的利益。