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71.
改革开放以来,我国机关事务管理变革工作经历了初步探索、全面改革和深化改革三个时期。我国机关事务管理经不断改革已经取得很大进步,但仍面临管理职能分散化、部门利益分割化等碎片化困境,因此我们应树立机关事务整体性治理理念,构建跨部门协同的集中统一治理体系。调研湖北省、山西省、江西省等地机关事务集中统一管理实践发现,集中统一管理具有优势也面临诸多挑战。未来机关事务管理应增强保障与服务职能,打造服务型组织;提高管理与运营能力,打造高效型组织;健全监督与问责机制,打造责任型组织。  相似文献   
72.
Persistent underperformance of public policy and program implementation in Aboriginal affairs is widely recognised. We analysed the results of two case studies of attempted reforms in public administration of Aboriginal primary health care in the Northern Territory, using a framework based on the institutionalist and systemic racism literatures, with the aim of better understanding the sources of implementation failure. Implementation of the agreed reforms was unsuccessful. Contributing factors were as follows: strong recognition of the need for change was not sustained; the seeds of change, present in the form of alternative practices, were not built on; there was a notable absence of sustained political/bureaucratic authorisation; and, interacting with all of these, systemic racism had important consequences and implications. Our framework was useful for making sense of the results. It is clear that reforms in Aboriginal affairs will require government authorities to engage with organisations and communities. We conclude that there are four requirements for improved implementation success: clear recognition of the need for change in ‘business as usual’; sustainable commitment and authorisation; the building of alternative structures and methods to enable effective power sharing (consistent with the requirements of parliamentary democracy); and addressing the impact of systemic racism on decision-making, relationships, and risk management.  相似文献   
73.
The notion of going from government to governance, known as the transformation thesis, as depicted in early Governance Theory has been subjected to substantive critique. This paper explores two different stances of such critique. The first critical stance is represented by Jonathan S. Davies’ 2011 book “Challenging Governance Theory: From networks to hegemony” and entails a radical rejection of the transformation thesis. The second stance offers a more moderate reconfiguration of the transformation thesis and is represented by the recently co-authored work of several prominent governance theorists titled “Interactive Governance: Advancing the paradigm”. While both aspire to set new agendas for governance research, this paper argues that the latter reconfiguration carries a problematic preposition towards overemphasizing the separation between government and governance practices.  相似文献   
74.
With the development of E-business and its special management mode, the traditional management mode of enterprises will be changed. This paper analyzes the deep influence of E-business to business administrative innovation concept from the modem enterprise perspective, and at the same time it puts forward the concrete thought train about the enterprise management.  相似文献   
75.
本文重点探讨了新形势下妇联组织代表妇女参与社会管理和公共服务面临的机遇和挑战,对于妇联如何更好地发挥社会组织作用、维护妇女合法权益进行了深入思考。  相似文献   
76.
李旭琴 《桂海论丛》2009,25(6):55-58
随着传统公共行政向现代公共治理结构转型,官僚体制下的“独白式”体制的逐渐解体,话语垄断权的打破.建立在民主参与取向、责任取向、正义取向、回应取向和伦理取向基础上的公共治理价值体系初步形成,开始走向“对话式”体制。在治理主体和治理对象的“互主体性”关系中践行公共治理价值体系,是实现行政哲学由独白走向对话的必然路径与选择。  相似文献   
77.
在行政公益诉讼中,由于受损的是公共利益,因而在诉讼中由谁来提起诉讼则显得尤为重要。对于建立我国行政公益诉讼制度而言,考虑到我国行政诉讼法的价值取向和司法实践,结合域外行政公益诉讼的发展趋势,应赋予我国公民个人、社会组织和检察机关具有行政公益诉讼原告资格。  相似文献   
78.
公权力问题是吏治的一个核心问题,政府公权力异化的预防和治理是当代中国法治政府和责任政府建设的一项重要内容。从微观机理探讨公权力异化的成因,以此为基础构建公权力治理的多种途径,对于当代中国吏治研究具有重大的理论和现实意义。  相似文献   
79.
执政安全与党内民主建设中的风险防范   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
维护执政安全,防控执政风险,是执政党巩固执政地位的必然要求.执政党的执政风险可能来自多个方面,其中包括执政党自身的民主建设状况,故必须加强党内民主建设,发展党内民主.如果在党内民主建设中出现原则性偏差或措施失当,有可能在党内造成思想多元、成员分层、组织分派、政治权威降低等,从而削弱党的凝聚力和战斗力,进而威胁党的执政地位和党的生存发展.因此,在推进党内民主建设时,必须强化风险防范意识,并从目标、方向、道路、制度、程序等方面着手,探索出一条增量式、渐进式的党内民主发展道路.  相似文献   
80.
During the Bush years, NATO exhibited in stark form two trends which have long characterised its development: periodic exposure to crisis and division, and a subordination to American leadership. Despite signs of American indifference towards the alliance, talk of the Bush administration levering a break with NATO was always overstated, particularly so during its second term of office. Views of NATO after 2004 were shaped by Afghanistan giving rise, in fact, to a return to the alliance on America's part. NATO remains important to Bush's successor but on terms which are as demanding as those of his predecessors. NATO, in other words, is valued in so far as it accords with current US foreign policy priorities. The safest assumption in this regard is that Obama will continue to favour the trend towards a global NATO pursued by the Bush administration. However, retreat (or defeat) in Afghanistan could hasten a contrary trend towards a consolidating NATO with a renewed concentration on the wider Europe.  相似文献   
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