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71.
旅游电子商务发展探讨   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
电子商务正逐步走向成熟。旅游业成为最适合发展电子商务的三大行业之一。旅游电子商务使个体实现了自主、个性化地选择自己的旅游产品。虽然目前尚存不足 ,但通过企业本身的角色转变和新技术的应用 ,电子商务必将成为旅游业运作的主要模式  相似文献   
72.
社会学视野中的城市化新市民   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
聂洪辉 《桂海论丛》2004,20(5):53-55
城市化的实质是农民市民化。在城市化过程中,总是伴随大量的农民失去土地从而变成市民。城市化新市民在转变为合格市民的过程中,因为外界环境条件和他们的心理都会发生剧烈变化,所以必然要面临各种冲突和社会失范。通过社会调适城市化新市民的角色冲突,改变他们的文化、生活方式和建立新社区等可以使他们能尽快地适应城市生活,早日转变为合格的城市居民。  相似文献   
73.
从国际关系理论和思想史的发展来看,有多重涵义的理性主义主要在思想传统和研究范式两方面中扮演不同的角色.本文从这两个角度出发,分析了作为思想传统和作为研究范式的理性主义各自不同的提出背景、内涵、特点、地位与影响等,并从继承和异化的两方面来对二者进行了初步比较.  相似文献   
74.
Information from social media is used in evaluations of parental fitness with some regularity. Yet, research is lacking on perceptions of this information and no research has examined how social media data impacts forensic evaluators' opinions related to parental fitness. This study compared forensic evaluators' perceptions of data trustworthiness, usefulness, and initial opinion of parental fitness in a fictitious case in which parental fitness was questioned. Perceptions of a parent's behavior were compared across two types of data in which it was presented (an Instagram post or a medical record note) and across genders of the parent (mother or father) being hypothetically evaluated. As hypothesized, information documented on social media was viewed more critically than information documented by a healthcare provider. Further, information primarily referencing the father in the case was viewed as less trustworthy than information referencing the mother, which appeared influenced by evaluators' identified self-reported sexist attitudes. Results suggest that family law attorneys, regardless of which parent they are representing, should advise their clients of the risks to using social media.  相似文献   
75.
本文从社会性别的视角,通过对电影《新女性》及其相关传媒文本的文本分析,探讨20世纪30年代中国"新女性"的角色扮演与社会互动,从中揭示男性主体对女性的角色塑造和掌控。  相似文献   
76.
Studies of negotiations often overlook, or at least do not fully account for, the important role played by people who advise negotiators. Often deliberately hidden from view, advisors have important but unrecognized influence on the negotiation dynamic. In this article, I explore the roles and methods of advisors in the negotiation process, drawing on role theory and survey research conducted in 2013 among approximately seventy advisors at the European Union Council of Ministers. I define advice as “a communication from one person (the advisor) to another (the client) for the purpose of helping that second person determine a course of action for solving a particular problem” and consider the nature of this advice and the range of relationships that may exist between advisors and their clients. Advising is much more than the mere transmittal of information from advisor to negotiator and that for advice to be effective a relationship must exist between the two parties. I then identify three models of the advisor–negotiator relationship. The first is the advisor as director, wherein the advisor tends to take control of the negotiating process, directing the negotiator toward actions that she or he should take to achieve success at the negotiation. The second is the advisor as servant, in which the advisor merely responds to the demands of the client for help and guidance in the negotiation. And the third is the advisor as partner, wherein advisor and negotiator jointly manage the process and solve the problem together. Finally, I explore the factors that lead advisors and negotiators to adopt each of these three models, the various advising styles that advisors use, and the differing effects on the negotiation process that these elements may have, drawing on historical examples as well as survey data from the EU Council of Ministers.  相似文献   
77.
税收是法国在印度支那推行的殖民经济政策的重要组成部分。本文梳理了法国海军殖民地部的部分税务档案,认为法属印度支那的税收体制具有如下基本特征:税收名目多,税额重;在直接税征收上一直推行“集体纳税人”制和包税方式;在间接税征收上长期奉行以鸦片和盐酒专卖税为主的政策。这一具有浓厚殖民主义色彩的税收体制是法属印度支那畸形单一经济结构形成的主要原因之一。  相似文献   
78.
This study explores correlations between bystanders’ intervention styles by means of the bullying circle model. Three aims were examined in this study. First, we reevaluated the number and type of bystander intervention styles in aggressive school incidents. Second, we examined the association between reports of relational aggression and victimization and bystander intervention styles. Third, we estimated relationships between the different bystander intervention styles, by examining two directional paths. Participants were 1,518 adolescents (61.9% boys, 38.1% girls) from 15 Israeli religious and secular middle and high schools. The data analysis indicated two new intervention styles: help-seeker and passive bystander. Two structural models, illustrating the path leading to and from provictim and antivictim bystander intervention styles are presented. The distinction between the “participant-role approach” and the bullying circle is discussed in order to address the theoretical difference between social categorization of fixed bystander roles as opposed to rating bystander intervention styles on a continuum.  相似文献   
79.
民主监督是民主党派的一项基本职能.充分发挥民主党派的民主监督作用,必须明确民主监督的性质、内容、形式和原则等基本问题.要切实提高民主党派民主监督的有效性,就必须着眼于促进我国政党关系的长期和谐,进一步推进社会主义民主政治建设,落实民主监督的措施,完善民主监督的机制,提高民主监督的制度化水平.  相似文献   
80.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):305-322
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.  相似文献   
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