政治参与：和谐社会的基石

公民政治参与具有表达功能、妥协功能、教育功能和监督功能,它是和谐社会的基石。当前,与构建社会主义和谐社会的要求相比,我国公民的政治参与还存在不少问题,如:动员型参与比重过大、非理性参与时有发生、政治参与的程序化建设任重道远、政治参与的不平衡现象还很突出等。这些问题都会影响政治参与在和谐社会构建中发挥应有的作用。我们应该从培育社会主义政治文化、扩大公民知情权,实现信息公开、尊重和开通新的参与渠道、使政治参与和公民的切身利益紧密结合等几方面着手推动中国公民政治参与的更快发展。     

Nonparticipation as Self-Censorship: Publicly Observable Political Activity in a Polarized Opinion Climate

In a polarized opinion climate, people may refrain from participating in publicly observable political activities that make them vulnerable to scrutiny and criticism by others who hold opinions that differ from their own. We took a dispositional approach to testing this claim by determining whether people who are relatively more influenced by the climate of opinion when choosing whether or not to voice an opinion, measured with the Willingness to Self-Censor scale [Hayes et al. International Journal of Public Opinion Research 17 (2005) 298], are also relatively less likely to engage in public political activities. In a poll of residents of the United States, we found that even after controlling for interest in politics, political ideology, ideological extremity, political efficacy, attention to political news, dispositional shyness, frequency of political discussion, and demographics, dispositional self-censors reported having engaged in relatively fewer public political activities over the prior 2 years compared to those less willing to censor their own opinion expression. These results are consistent with our interpretation of political participation as a social process that is governed in part by the social psychological implications of participation to the person. At a larger theoretical level, our findings connect the literature on opinion perceptions and opinion expression with research on political participation.

Analyzing the representativeness of internet political participation

Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results.     

权利的实现与“有限侵害性”的社会权力——从贫困治理出发的思考

如何实现、保障和发展公民所拥有的法律上的权利?对这一问题的研究不应该再继续局限于国家与市民社会两分法这样一种简单化的理论框架。因为在当前,这一理论框架只是驱使研究者关注国家权力如何从社会中退出,关注国家权力对社会自治的侵害,而忽视了对社会权力的有限侵害性特点的研究。社会权力的有限侵害性最鲜明地体现在公民社会基本权利的保障和实现中,也即对贫困的治理。     

Why education matters: school ‘choice’ and differing views on citizenship in Pakistan

This article discusses young Pakistanis' self-articulation of their relationship with the state, focusing in particular on the perceptions held by those aged between 15 and 25 and who are in education. The research used a mixed methods approach. Data were collected in 6 private, 11 philanthropic and 3 government schools as well as 2 madrassas and 5 universities in urban, semi-urban and rural areas in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan. A questionnaire with qualitative and quantitative sections was distributed to class 10 students and over 1000 questionnaires were returned. The research found, on aggregate response, that there is a high sense of belonging to the nation, yet paradoxically also a high sense of alienation with regard to the state. Whilst most of those surveyed professed awareness of their rights and duties, the youth was seen by the same respondents as mostly ignorant of these. The factor that caused the greatest variation was the type of school attended where responses and attitudes regarding the state, rights, responsibilities and citizenship differed markedly. This article discusses how this school ‘choice’ is linked with particular perceptions of citizenship by looking beyond class and problematising the relationship between education and the perceptions of the state.     

循环经济法视野下公众参与机制及其保障

公众参与推动循环经济发展是一个诱致性制度变迁过程。循环经济法视野下公众参与机制的基本要素有三个方面：公民参与的环境权;政府公开有关资源环境和生态的信息;健全的非政府组织。根据循环经济公众参与机制的基本要素和当前我国循环经济公众参与的现状与不足,从确保公民可实施的环境权、扩大循环经济信息的“公开性”及“透明度”、促进非政府组织参与资源环境及生态管理、优化公众参与的平台和程序等方面构建了公众参与循环经济的支持保障机制。     

论公共危机管理中的公民参与

目前,我国政府公共危机管理中的公民参与处于较低水平、面临许多困境,因此,应该通过多种途径扩大公民有序参与公共危机管理的渠道,规范公民有序参与公共危机管理的行为,最终形成政府与公民、媒体、非政府组织等等良性互动的合作模式,最大限度地降低公共危机事件造成的损害。     

治安管理视角下的社会管理创新中的公民参与问题研究

公安机关在推进社会管理创新的过程中,应当转变社会治理模式、加强行政相对人对社会管理的参与。在治安管理领域,公民参与的制度匮乏、程序缺失、积极性不高等原因导致公民参与整体水平较低,影响了治安管理的效果。通过邀请公民参与规范性文件的制定、建立案件公开制度等一系列方式,全力保障行政相对人对治安管理的参与和知晓,从而促进其对公安机关的理解和支持,达到维护社会秩序稳定的目的。     

我国社会组织政策参与及其制度分析

在现代社会,以社会组织为载体的参与是比公民个人直接参与更为合理有效的政策参与途径。由于我国社会组织自身能力有限以及制度空间的挤压,目前其对于政策的影响只起有限的作用。当前我国社会组织政策参与主要存在政策参与率较低、政策参与内容的非政治化和途径的非制度化等问题。针对导致社会组织政策影响力低的制度因素,政府应为社会组织的发展创造能促型的法律、制度与政策环境,即构建"分类管理、项目引导、行为监管"的新管理模式、制定出台社会组织基本法以及进一步转变政府职能、拓宽社会组织政策参与的渠道等。     

“零容忍”反腐败:内涵、特征与进路

本文在研究"零容忍"反腐败的内涵和特征以及借鉴新加坡和香港"零容忍"反腐败的基础上,提出"零容忍"反腐败的进路思考。"零容忍"反腐败要建立一套完整有效的法律制度,形成一支坚强有力的执行队伍,加强执行权威,建构一个公民参与的、广泛细化的反腐败网络,也要通过反腐败教育提高公民反腐败意识和公务员廉洁奉公的情操。