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71.
We look at ways of classifying runoff methods in terms of characteristics such as number of rounds, rules used to determine which candidates advance to the next round, and rules which determine the final winner. We also compare runoffs and so-called instant runoffs such as the alternative vote. 相似文献
72.
This paper presents a natural experiment, comparing the effects of two-round (TR) and proportional representation (PR) voting rules in French cantonal and regional elections. A series of rigorous model estimations demonstrates that the two electoral types clearly produce distinct outcomes. TR systems bring about less extremist party voting, less party competition, and perhaps less vote turnout, when compared to PR systems. These findings call into question the lack of attention to TR effects, and the notion that TR is not really a distinct electoral form. 相似文献
73.
Peter Söderlund 《West European politics》2017,40(3):516-533
AbstractThis study evaluates contradictory theoretical predictions concerning the relationship between the candidate-centredness of electoral systems and voter turnout. Candidate-centredness has been proposed to both stimulate and depress turnout. Cross-sectional time-series data from 36 democracies between 1990 and 2014 are used to test the competing assumptions made about the impact of the personal vote on turnout. Three measures assessing the extent to which electoral systems create incentives to cultivate a personal vote are employed. The results show that turnout is the lowest in candidate-centred systems and the highest in party-centred systems with closed and ordered lists, while controlling for a host of contextual factors that have been linked to aggregate turnout. In addition, the finding that candidate-centredness is negatively related to turnout holds up even when taking into account district magnitude, electoral disproportionality and effective number of parties. 相似文献
74.
Danny Hayes 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):231-260
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential
elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion,
little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological
conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data
to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of
the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for
their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence
on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure
to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings
are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects
on political judgment are exaggerated.
相似文献
Danny HayesEmail: |
75.
This study investigates whether female legislators, just like their male colleagues, also benefit from incumbency advantage in the form of privileged access to candidate selection. This is done by examining whether female and male MPs receive the same reward for equivalent political performance when renomination decisions are made by political parties. Political performance is conceptualised in terms of incumbents’ popularity among voters, readiness to vote along the party line and legislative activity. An original dataset comprising 1032 observations on Czech legislators elected between 1996 and 2017 is used in the analysis. The results suggests that well-performing female MPs are just as likely as their male colleagues to secure a favourable renomination outcome. This result should not, however, be interpreted as evidence of gender-neutral access to re-election and political seniority as past research clearly indicates that female MPs need to work harder than men to produce the same political output. 相似文献
76.
77.
戴安莉 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2010,9(5):75-76,81
通讯企业用工形式多样,劳务用工是其当前主要的用工形式之一。这种用工形式一方面为企业减少了人工成本的支出,提高了人员管理效率,另一方面也给企业带来了一定的法律风险。如何完善劳务用工机制,避免不必要的劳动纠纷,使劳务派遣人员的既得利益不受到损害,促进企业健康发展,是通讯企业亟待解决的问题。 相似文献
78.
This article is written as a response to the Martindale et al. critique of the Ackerman and Pritzl (2011) child custody evaluation practices article. The Martindale et al. critique focuses on a small portion of the overall results regarding test usage and suggests that the entire article is “flawed and deficient.” However, their critique engages in confirmatory bias and exaggerated statements and ignores the overall value of the article in general. A more broad‐based explanation of the results is provided herein. 相似文献
79.
This paper explores the effectiveness of European Parliament candidates' campaigns. We analyze the relationship between candidates' spending and their likelihood of success, controlling for a range of relevant co-varying factors. We then investigate whether the effects of electoral spending are conditioned by two variables: ballot design and incumbency. We find that, ceteris paribus, spending was positively related to a candidate's likelihood of electoral success in the 2009 campaign, though this effect is small in scale. We also reveal that the electorally positive effects of spending are observable across both 'party-centered' and ‘candidate-centered’ ballot structures, and that there is some evidence that incumbent spending is less effective than challenger spending. 相似文献
80.
曹萍 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(4):89-97
美国公司债券发行有公募发行和私募发行两种方式.公募发行实行注册制,信息披露制度是公募发行和交易监管的核心.私募发行包括一般私募发行和144A私募发行.本文通过比较研究美国公司债券公募和私募发行制度,总结出美国公司债券市场的成功经验为:灵活自由的债券发行制度,充分的信息披露、完善的债权人保护机制和对发债公司高管违法行为的严刑峻法. 相似文献