非致命武器的战术运用

在群体性事件中,非致命武器作为主要战斗装备发挥着至关重要的作用。因此,分析和研究其战术运用问题具有重要的现实和军事意义。非致命武器的运用中应注意根据处置环节,战场环境,事件规模,时机、目的合理使用。     

现实人与虚拟人的对话—网络时代教育主体的交往方式

网络时代的现实人和虚拟人是有其特殊内涵的,建立在对话基础上的交往关系是他们相互生成的根本,现实人与虚拟人的对话关系与现实世界中主体与主体之间的对话关系有着本质差异,它可以超越一定的时空限制,将客观世界、社会世界和主观世界有机地结合起来,并弥合现实和虚拟的界限,现实人与虚拟人的对话主要是通过对网上本的选择和解读而发生的,这种对话有利于促进网络教育主体的人格平等与共进,进而达到教育主体的生成与发展。     

基于网格化管理的突发公共事件预警机制探析

信息在突发公共事件预警过程中扮演着至关重要的角色,信息的检索、甄别与共享都直接影响整个应急管理效能的高低。随着网格(Grid)概念的迅猛发展,以信息技术为核心的网格化管理为解决复杂性的管理问题提供了一套新思维、新方法。网格化管理运用于预警中具有的前瞻性、综合性、立体性、开放性的独特优势,为完善我国突发公共事件预警机制提供了一条重要的途径。     

Aggressive reactions to social injustice by individuals and groups as a function of social norms,gender, and anonymity

Two conflicting approaches to the study of group aggression are compared: the deindividuation theory of Zimbardo (1970) and the emergent norm theory of Turner and Killian (1972). To test these two conflicting hypotheses, the frustration-aggression theory of Brown (1986) is used which assumes that individuals and groups, male or female, will react with angry aggression when important social justice norms are violated. It was hypothesized (i) that groups will be more aggressive than single individuals; (ii) males will be more aggressive than females; and (iii) that more aggression will occur when people can be easily identified than when they remain anonymous to each other. These hypotheses received some support. Unexpected interactions between these variables are discussed in some detail. Generally, more support is found for the emergent norm theory than for deindividuation theory.     

"六四"式7.62mm手枪弹头、弹壳痕迹出现率及稳定性研究

“六四”式7.62mm手枪射击后会形成5种弹头痕迹和11种常见的弹壳痕迹。5种弹头的痕迹出现率和细微特征的稳定性各不相同,其中阳膛线、阴膛线的出现率最高,起末端痕和小线纹的稳定率最高。11种弹壳痕迹的出现率和稳定性也各不一样。分析弹头痕迹、弹壳痕迹的出现率、痕迹特征的稳定性以及差异形成原因,能帮助我们区分和认定有关枪支。     

In the right place,at the right time: Opportunity structures and candidates’ chances of getting elected for the first time

The foundational principle of representative democracy is that legislative elites can be replaced in elections. Yet, first-time parliamentary entries have received little attention. We present the first systematic attempt to examine the conditions of first-time parliamentary entry in multimember district PR systems. We introduce an overlooked explanatory factor, candidates' short-term opportunity structure. While controlling for personal vote-earning attributes (PVEAs), we examine how competitive context shapes newcomers' chances in a pure OLPR system where party elites cannot skew competition between candidates. Our register-based analysis of candidacies in seven Finnish parliamentary elections (1995–2019, n = 7548) shows that while personal qualities enhance candidates’ chances, first-time entry is restricted by the competitive context, especially the decisions of incumbent MPs. The strong impact of exceptional PVEAs suggests that other “big fish” candidates may also shape competitive contexts. Overall, the study indicates that electoral competition can be rather restricted even in the most competitive electoral systems.     

The impact of cuing candidate quality on female candidates

How can parties improve the electoral prospects of traditionally under-represented women? We argue that if a party signals that a single female candidate is of high quality, other women appearing on the ballot with her will receive a boost in support. More specifically, if a female candidate heads a party's list in the district, other women from her party will be rewarded with more votes. We test our reasoning by examining the nomination and election of women in three Free-List Proportional Representation systems where voters can cast multiple preference votes for individual candidates. We find robust support for the finding that when voters receive a signal that women can be quality candidates, they tend to reward additional women with preference votes regardless of their rank on the ballot.     

美国科罗拉多州法官优选制度及其启示

美国科罗拉多州法院系统的法官是通过民主优选制度从有经验的法律从业人员中选拔的。这些法律从业人员可以轻易地通过法律考试。法官由中立的司法执行委员会和司法纪律委员会进行监督和评估。这种制度既能体现民主,也可实现司法独立。我国在完善法官制度时可以从中得到一些启示。     

Multi-level muddling: Candidate strategies to “nationalize” local elections

Comparative literature has identified how political parties at subnational levels strategically refer to the performance of parties or policy issues at national level to varying degrees. Building upon these studies on multi-level electoral dynamics, the article demonstrates how individual legislative candidates, and not just parties, selectively adopt what we call “cross-level electoral appeals”(CLEAs): campaign messages which emphasize issues, performances, and actors in levels of government other than that which the candidate or party is seeking office. Advancing existing conceptualizations of nationalization, we posit that there are mainly three types of such CLEAs, those in which local candidates: 1) praise or criticize a specific national policy or 2) performance of the national government; or 3) emphasize personal linkages to national-level parties or politicians. The article investigates the potential factors which lead to more frequent CLEAs by observing candidate manifestos for local legislative elections in Japan. We use an original dataset from a sample of prefectures differently affected by specific national policies, candidates affiliated to parties differing in organizational centralization and from districts varying in seat magnitude as well as incumbent party popularity. To test hypotheses about national and local level party popularity as well as district-level variables on the frequency of such appeals, the article analyzed the data set using the novel methodology of not just counting, but also measuring the surface area of specific appeals in candidate manifestos. Through regression analysis, we find evidence of national government party popularity leading to more frequency of local candidate CLEAs. We also find that local candidates who are more dependent on the party vote (i.e. those in smaller district magnitudes and in centralized party organizations) are more prone to certain types of CLEAs.     

Candidate authenticity and the Iowa Caucus

Candidate ‘authenticity’ has become a frequent explanation of electoral performance. Yet its study in electoral research has been largely neglected. Building on recent work, we test its relationship with candidate support in the 2020 Iowa Democratic Caucus through a survey of likely Caucus goers. The Caucus offers an ideal setting — a contest focused on candidates and their personalities, in a context having far-reaching political implications. We demonstrate that authenticity perceptions played an important role in individual vote intentions. Indeed, for Biden and Buttigieg perceptions of their authenticity were strongly associated with vote intention even when controlling for other established traits. Warren, unlike the others, benefited indirectly, because her authenticity triggered substantial support among female voters. The performance of the authenticity trait, direct and indirect, points to its pivotal potential in the 2020 presidential campaign.