Confident and cautious candidates: Explaining under-representation of women in Danish municipal politics

Why are women under-represented even in democratic and egalitarian countries? Previous research considers either demand-side or supply-side explanations. We integrate both perspectives in a least-likely case for the under-representation of women, namely the municipal councils in Denmark. The data stems from a candidate choice conjoint experiment, a survey among potential candidates, and data on the actual pool of nominated candidates. On the voter demand-side, we show that there is no pro-male bias in general or in combination with other candidate traits nor that traits evaluated positively by voters appear more frequently among actual male candidates. On the supply-side, we find that women are less likely to be interested in running for political office. This is primarily because women assess their own political qualifications significantly lower than men. The under-supply of female candidates seem to drive the disparity suggesting that we should focus more on supply-side factors to overcome the gender imbalance.     

论应急警务中警察消极心理的表现、成因及防范

在应急警务处置过程中,由于多方面的原因,警察常常会表现出各种消极心理状态,不同程度地影响着任务的顺利完成。麻痹轻敌、恐惧畏险、缺乏灵活应对能力是应急警务中警察消极心理的主要内容,对这类消极心理的表现、成因及防范等进行研究剖析,可为应急警务指挥人员、参战的各级各类警务人员提供借鉴。     

碘热升华喷枪显现潜手印的应用研究

本文提出一种以石英灯为加热器的碘热升华喷枪显现潜手印的新方法。实验表明,该技术方法操作简便,适用范围广,手印显出率高,尤其是显现遗留在墙面、本色铝合金表面、UPVC表面的潜手印效果明显。     

警察警务应激障碍及矫正

应激,是在应急事件中产生的高度紧张的情绪状态。人在应激状态,情绪反应特别迅速、猛烈,整个有机体的各部分发生显著变化,产生强烈的行为反应。超强度的应激,会对机体产生损害,降低完成任务的效率。警察在重大警务行动中,经常要面对突然发生的应急事件,这种应急事件导致超强度的应激情绪。警察如果应激能力不足,轻则会发生应激障碍,重则导致警务行动失败。     

军事软实力的战斗力生成机制及其建设途径

军事软实力在信息化战争中的作用日益突出.这是因为军事软实力通过对军队内部诸要素质量的提升和结构的优化,形成凝聚力、鼓舞力、文化力、整合力、创新力和瓦解力,能够极大地提高军队的战斗力.在我军武器装备技术水平与西方军事强国的巨大差距难以在短时间内发生根本性改变的情况下,加强军事软实力建设对于提高我军打赢信息化战争的能力具有十分重要的意义.     

“洋货”观照下的“故物”——中国近代论评法家“法治”思想的路向与歧见

在中国“传统内”的释评系统中，法家的“法治”思想这个“故物”，没有得到新的阐述与发展。到了近代，西方法治思想这个“洋货”成为重新解读“故物”的利器。但梁启超与萧公权同样用“洋货”观照“故物”，却得出了法家“法治”思想之“真”与“伪”的不同结论。用“洋货”观照“故物”，已成为具有重大影响与意义的思想学术路向，但也应克服其 “强为比附”的结习。     

Has Television Personalized Voting Behavior?

Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion, little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects on political judgment are exaggerated.

Organising Response to Extreme Emergencies: The Victorian Bushfires of 2009

How can people and organisations best respond to emergency events that are significantly beyond the boundaries of what they had generally anticipated, expected, prepared for – or even imagined? What forms of organisations are likely to be best able to cope with such events – and what procedures and practices will aid in their ability to do so? Obviously, extreme events – events that are in scope or scale or type beyond the range of our ordinary experience and expectations – by definition will occur only relatively rarely (and very rarely to any given emergency organisation). Nonetheless, when they do occur they tend to be of defining importance to the people and institutions that are thrust into them and that must find their way through them. September 11, 2001 in Manhattan and at the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia; the Indian Ocean Tsunami in 2004; Hurricane Katrina on the Gulf Coast of the United States (US) in 2005; major earthquakes like the ones in Pakistan in 2005, Wenchuan in 2008, Haiti in 2010, Chile in 2010, and Christchurch in 2010 – these and other catastrophic events catapult people and response agencies into a new, unfamiliar, and largely unexplored dimension.     

Do female legislators benefit from incumbency advantage? Incumbent renomination in a flexible-list PR system

This study investigates whether female legislators, just like their male colleagues, also benefit from incumbency advantage in the form of privileged access to candidate selection. This is done by examining whether female and male MPs receive the same reward for equivalent political performance when renomination decisions are made by political parties. Political performance is conceptualised in terms of incumbents’ popularity among voters, readiness to vote along the party line and legislative activity. An original dataset comprising 1032 observations on Czech legislators elected between 1996 and 2017 is used in the analysis. The results suggests that well-performing female MPs are just as likely as their male colleagues to secure a favourable renomination outcome. This result should not, however, be interpreted as evidence of gender-neutral access to re-election and political seniority as past research clearly indicates that female MPs need to work harder than men to produce the same political output.     

Thwarted voters at the 2000 US presidential election

This article examines the behavior at the 2000 US presidential election of the self-described Democrats who, prior to the election but after the candidates were nominated, preferred Bill Bradley to Al Gore, as well as of the Republicans who had a higher opinion of John McCain than they did of George W. Bush. These “thwarted voters” are examined with regard to turnout, candidate choice, and motivations, and they are compared on these dimensions with thwarted voters at earlier US presidential elections. Attention is given to estimating the extent to which their behavior in 2000 was critical for the popular vote totals, and counterfactual analysis is employed to estimate the probable effects on the election’s outcome of marginal alterations in the voters’ perceptions of the candidates’ attributes.