“零容忍”反腐败的问题基模构建及实施对策

频发的腐败现象反映出新时期腐败的一些特点及其生成机理,只有实施"零容忍",才能实现"零腐败"。当前,在我国推行"零容忍"反腐败具有可行性,但也会存在"零容忍"反腐败的目标侵蚀、舍本逐末和饮鸩止渴问题。解决推行"零容忍"反腐败问题的出路在于:坚定对腐败"零容忍"的目标;加强政府反腐防腐能力建设;构建政府、公民、社会参与与合作的零容忍反腐败系统。     

Rethinking the Relationship between Religion and Political Tolerance in the US

While there has been numerous empirical works on political tolerance in the United States, many of these studies have not: addressed the role of religion, used adequate measures of religion, incorporated advances in the measurement of political tolerance, and/or included all the psychological and political predictors of political tolerance. Correcting these deficiencies, I present and test a religious model of political tolerance utilizing structural equation modeling. I find that the negative relationship typically demonstrated between both religious commitment and doctrinal orthodoxy to political tolerance does not manifest and that religion is insignificant vis-à-vis political and psychological determinants of political tolerance.

老子哲学的现代价值

老子哲学博大精深,其现代意义亦十分深广。本文从“道法自然”、崇尚“俭朴”、倡导慈爱与宽容等三个方面,阐说老子哲学思想对我们当前构建环保型社会、节约型社会和和谐社会的重要的启迪意义。     

An Unbearable Price: War Casualties and Warring Democracies

Israeli society has changed its attitude to the sacrifice of life in war, a change that is reflected in the bereavement discourse. Attitudes have shifted from the unquestioned justification of military losses prior to the First Lebanon War (1982) to the emergence of an antiwar bereavement discourse after the war and during the South Lebanon war of attrition that followed it. More recently, following the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the Second Lebanon War (2006), a discourse that accepts losses has emerged. While the retreat from the hegemonic discourse prior to the First Lebanon War is explained by the changing attitudes to military sacrifice among the social elites, the latter shift took place in parallel with the alteration of the social composition of the Israeli Defence Force. It is argued that the social composition of the military affects the level of sensitivity to losses. While secular upper-middle class groups tend to show a high level of sensitivity to war losses, which they then translate into a subversive bereavement discourse, religious and peripheral groups with a hawkish agenda are more tolerant of military losses, or, alternatively, may seek to avoid excessive casualties by improving the military’s performance or the quality of the political directives.

The Complexity of Tolerance and Intolerance Judgments: A Response to Gibson

In a recent paper, we posited that tolerance and intolerance judgments are characterized by two forms of variance. First, the distinction between tolerance and intolerance is dichotomous in that individuals are or are not willing to extend the full rights of citizenship to all others without exception. Second, among those not so willing, variance exists in the breadth and depth of their intolerance. James Gibson challenges our view, arguing that we have advanced a fundamental shift in how tolerance is conceptualized, and that this shift is not warranted empirically because very few Americans are tolerant under our definition. In this response, we first outline the rationale for why our view does not constitute a significant shift in the conceptualization of tolerance, but rather is merely an effort to pull the empirical treatment of tolerance into alignment with the concept’s common definition. Second, we explain that Gibson’s finding that few Americans are tolerant gains noteworthy meaning and significance from the view of tolerance we present. Lastly, we demonstrate that new insight on the antecedents of tolerance and intolerance emerges when analyses attend to the two-part structure of tolerance judgments highlighted in our research.     

Will ‘broken windows policing’ work in Trinidad and Tobago? A critical perspective on zero tolerance and community policing in a multi-ethnic society

Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) is a multi-ethnic Caribbean nation currently experiencing problems with disorder and violent crime. In response, practitioners have considered the merits of introducing broken windows policing. This article examines the literature on zero tolerance policing, also known as ‘broken windows policing,’ and explores the dangers of potentially harmful interpretations of this approach, particularly in the context of racial and political conflict in a developing society. It also explores whether broken windows can be effective in T&T, where there is social unrest and declining public support for police. Based on prior research, it is suggested that broken windows policing, when incorporated with targeted problem-solving approaches, could be successful in reducing crime in the short-term. Several problem-solving strategies that were effective in New York City and other American cities are also recommended. It is suggested that community-oriented policing strategies designed to increase citizens’ trust and confidence in police be properly implemented before the adoption of any of these problem-solving strategies.     

试论治安管理的适度容忍政策简

“零容忍”原则指导的警务政策在国内外警务实践中取得了良好效果,然而这一警务政策在理论和实践上也有其不合理之处,如导致警民关系紧张、忽视执法的社会效益、警务工作泛化等问题.“适度容忍”的警务政策可以在一定程度上规避“零容忍”警务政策的不合理性,也有相应的理论支撑其合理性.“适度容忍”警务政策只适用于一部分违法行为,不否认对另外一些违法行为仍要采取“零度容忍”.     

Integration Policy in the Contemporary Megalopolis

The author assesses the effect of migration on St. Petersburg and discusses the evolution of the city government's policy for the adaptation and integration of migrants.     

“保护的责任”与宽容、多元的价值秩序

"保护的责任"是一种新的人权保护观念和规范,它要求主权国家必须承担和履行保护其国内人民的重大责任,当一国不能或不愿履行这一责任时,国际社会将有责任介入并采取相应的保护行动。由于"保护的责任"在内涵发展与具体适用等方面存在着不确定性与分歧,为使"保护的责任"得到正确的解释运用,防止其被滥用,应当坚持国际社会的容忍性、多样性,以宽容、多元的人权价值及其相应的国际秩序为基础来指导国内人权保护。