井冈山和中央苏区时期民生实践的经验及启示

中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期首创了“真心实意为群众谋利益”的民生理念，开展了丰富的民生实践，为中国共产党革命为民、执政为民宗旨的确立提供了理论的源泉和作出了实践的榜样，为一代又一代共产党人关注民生、执政为民的民生实践提供了原创性经验。中国共产党在井冈山、中央苏区时期的民生实践，对当今中国解决教育就业、收入分配、住房医疗、健康安全、社会保障、公平正义、民主法治、生态环境等一系列新的民生问题，提供了历史借鉴。     

党的十八届三中全会精神是当前干部教育培训的重要内容

党的十八届三中全会是中国共产党历史上一次承前启后的重要会议，此次会议通过的《决定》是党中央全面深化改革的大思路、大战略、大举措、大突破，是指导我国改革发展里程碑式的纲领性文件。加强学习、宣传、贯彻落实十八届三中全会精神是干部教育“围绕中心，服务大局”的客观要求，是当前和今后一个时期干部教育培训机构的重要政治任务。     

民国时期弱势群体的法律保护

弱势群体是一个社会当中相对脆弱的群体。在民国社会特定的背景之下，灾荒逃民、战乱流民、失业游民及老幼病残等人构成了民国社会的弱势群体，他们的生存状态堪忧，严重影响了当时的社会稳定。对此，民国政府作出了必的回应，采取措施，开展立法，建立机构，与社会民众一道共同推进弱势群体保护事业，确保社会稳定发展。民国政府在开展弱势群体保护的过程中，表现出保护对象的广泛性、救济措施的主动性、政府民间的合力性等特色，值得当下的我们进一步考察和分析。     

Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland

A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.     

对黑龙江省与韩国经贸合作的分析与思考

加世纪80年代,黑龙江省与韩国开始了间接贸易合作。90年代初,随着中韩两国正式建交,黑龙江省与韩国进入了直接贸易合作阶段。十多年来,黑龙江省以其固有的地缘、资源和亲缘的优势,稳步推进与韩国的经贸合作,已成为顺应国际经济发展的必然趋势。截止2003年8月底,黑龙江省与韩国的进出口贸易额累计已达到34.1亿美元,实际利用韩资金额为6.2亿美元。双方发展经贸合作关系的良好势头,对黑龙江省加快改革开放步伐、实施对韩国的全方位合作、增强经济实力、尽快进入国际市场意义重大。同时,也为韩国调整产业结构、实现经济高速发展提供了广阔的国际市场。     

民国时期江西警政研究（上）

民国时期,警察是公务人员,但又不同于其他公务人员。警察保护社会生活,涉及社会的安宁、风俗、卫生、交通、营业种种方面,范围很广。民国警察的政治理论基础是孙中山的三民主义和蒋介石代表的官僚资本主义的政治理念。民国江西警政对警察的教育更加重视,总体上以身份高低为差别,分正规教育、在职培训和岗位练兵三种,其教育内容有政治理论、行政管理、警察业务、法律知识、军事技能等等。     

THE IMPACT OF RACIALLY INCLUSIVE SCHOOLING ON ADULT INCARCERATION RATES AMONG U.S. COHORTS OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND WHITES SINCE 1930*

Despite the substantial body of research on the psychological and social effects of racial segregation in schools on African Americans, few studies have considered the possibility that more racially inclusive schools might reduce the risk of extremely negative adult life experiences such as incarceration. Yet such a connection is made plausible by research linking black racial isolation in schools to variables that are often associated with incarceration rates, including concentrated poverty, and low educational and occupational aspirations and attainment. In this paper, we apply methods first developed by labor economists to assess the impact of racial inclusiveness in schools on individual incarceration rates for 5‐year cohorts of African Americans and whites born since 1930. We find strong support for the conclusion that blacks educated in states where a higher proportion of their classmates were white experienced significantly lower incarceration rates as adults. Moreover, our analysis suggests that the effects of racial inclusiveness on black incarceration rates have grown stronger over time. These longitudinal effects are consistent with the argument that the educational climate of predominantly black schools has deteriorated in more recent decades.     

Lifetime Abuse, Mental Health, and African American Women

This study examined the relationship between lifetime abuse and mental health among 126 African American women and 365 White women from a primary health care setting who participated in a telephone interview as part of a larger study. Seven types of childhood and adult intimate partner abuse were measured. Consistent with hypotheses, (1) lifetime abuse was associated with elevated levels of anxiety and depression, and (2) women who experienced childhood abuse were more likely to report adult partner abuse. African American and White women showed more similarities than differences in the associations between most abuse experiences and depression and anxiety, as well as types of childhood abuse. African American abused women reported more excessive jealousy by partners. Nonabused African American women reported higher levels of depression and anxiety than their White counterparts. Results are interpreted and discussed taking into account relevant social and cultural factors.     

民初大理院审判独立的制度与实践

清末颁行之《法院编制法》首倡审判独立 ,可是成效未彰清室已亡。民国初期 ,民国北京政府所颁行之宪法文件皆明定审判独立原则 ,当时的最高法院———大理院依照宪法原则以及法院编制法 ,厉行审判独立 ,其影响横向及于其他中央机关 ,纵向影响及于地方司法机关 ,可谓最大限度地排除了其他机关对审判权的干涉。然而民国初期正值军阀混战、政局纷扰之际 ,大理院所致力的审判独立事业亦难免为时局所累。     

Poverty amid plenty: structural violence and local governance in western Congo

The protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has drawn sharp criticism regarding the model of liberal peacebuilding employed in the country. Critics emphasise the importance of local ownership of peacebuilding mechanisms at sub-national as well as national levels. This raises questions in relation to the popular legitimacy and efficacy of local mechanisms. Drawing on field research conducted in the relatively affluent province of Bas-Congo in Western Congo, this article highlights a lack of popular legitimacy for provincial-level political authority within the province stemming from an acute marginalisation of the population from local structures of power and wealth. The article also demonstrates the inefficacy of more local, village and neighbourhood-based political structures which, aimed at conflict mitigation rather than transformation, ignore the structural roots of local conflicts and do little to counteract the growing social distrust, conflict and disintegration within local communities.