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51.
This paper focuses on how Airbnb, an internet platform which has created the possibility for mass participation in the tourism market, is resulting in class conflict between new entrants and the ‘traditional’ tourism industry. Specifically, it studies how traditional tourism interests in Barbados have responded to Airbnb by seeking to restrict participation in the industry and presents this as a microcosm of broader class transitions and conflicts associated with new technologies. The paper utilises a Marxist theoretical perspective buttressed by Joseph Schumpeter’s theory of ‘creative destruction’ – places emphasis on the process of destroying productive systems to understand how specific industries expand and survive – and Clayton Christensen’s notion of ‘disruptive innovation’ – a process by which a disruptive product transforms a market – for studying how transformations in technology are impacting the tourism industry in Barbados. Its aim is to provide an account of how the process of disruption is unfolding in Barbados by highlighting the reactions of the main hotel lobby group to Airbnb, while also applying the ideas of Marx, Schumpeter and Christensen as useful theoretical lenses through which to examine the unfolding of the process of disruption of settled class and historical control of a dominant economic sector by new technologies. 相似文献
52.
Pawel Swianiewicz 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(2):292-311
The most widely used typologies of European local government systems are based on research conducted in the 1980s. The most popular are those of Page and Goldsmith (1987), distinguishing between Northern and Southern European systems, and Hesse and Sharpe (1991), distinguishing between Southern, Northern and Anglo-Saxon models. The rare attempts to include the Eastern part of the continent are far from comprehensive or satisfactory. They usually view the whole region as a distinct group, referring to its specific historical background and recent radical decentralisation (Bennett 1993, Heinelt and Hlepas 2006). Disappointingly, the same approach is presented in the most recent comprehensive analysis of European local government systems (Loughlin et al. 2010). This article tries to fill the gap produced by this simplification, by offering a comprehensive picture of the variation within the Eastern European region and suggesting a first attempt at a typology of around 20 countries of the region. The criteria for this typology refers to those used in earlier classifications of the Western European systems and include: (i) territorial organisation and tiers of elected local governments, (ii) scope of functions provided by local governments (functional decentralisation), (iii) financial autonomy, (iv) horizontal power relations within local government institutions (election systems and relationships between mayors and councils). 相似文献
53.
Surinder Mohan 《Asian Politics & Policy》2013,5(1):51-75
The majority of existing research on the Indo‐Pakistani conflict has shown that this conflict persists due to the confronting actors' long‐term incompatibility in goals and their use of realpolitik conceptions to resolve their core issue—Kashmir. While most of this research is focused on the dynamics of already established realpolitik scholarship, less is known about how it contributed to make this dyad exceedingly dangerous in the post–Cold War era. The present effort attempts to account for the “action‐reaction conundrum” by illuminating how the traditional realist practices are performing contrary to their security maximization objectives in the India‐Pakistan rivalry. In order to bring the two states out of their prolonged security dilemma, what is needed is a way forward through the transformation of the Line of Control on the basis of an approach that combines the Westphalian state and an alternative paradigm. This article concludes by discussing the steps required to move in this direction, that is, toward Indo‐Pakistani coexistence and a progressive future for South Asia more generally. 相似文献
54.
Australia and China have evolved a synergistic relationship driven largely by the rapidly expanding Chinese demand for Australian resources. China's growing political and economic influence, regionally and globally, has prompted for different reasons the leadership of both countries to develop new channels and forms of communication. It has left Australian society with the unfamiliar task of engaging with a major center of power whose cultural and political traditions are radically different from its own. This article explores the scope and limitations of Australia's emerging dialogue with China. It makes the case for a sustained and multidimensional dialogue that harnesses more effectively the energies of civil society as well as business and government, thereby facilitating the task of redefining the relationship in a period of far‐reaching transition. 相似文献
55.
This article examines the increasing complex interdependence of China and the United State in an era of globalization. Deng Xiaoping's strategy of reform and opening requires a peaceful international environment. The normalization of relations with Washington was critical for China's move toward modernization. As China opens its door wider, Sino‐American relations have matured to a much higher level. As the recent Strategic Economic Dialogue between Beijing and Washington indicate, bilateral relations have become truly interdependent. Interdependence creates both sensitivity and vulnerability. Lampton has described U.S.‐China relations in terms of “same bed, different dreams” (tongchuang yimeng). Considering the common challenges of global financial crisis and international terrorism, perhaps it is more appropriate to think of China and the United States as strategic partners sailing in the same boat (tongzhou gongji). The complex interdependence between the two countries is particularly critical in an age of global turbulence. This article analyzes the current challenges of China‐U.S. relations in the context of turbulent globalization. 相似文献
56.
Jeffrey Monaghan 《冲突、安全与发展》2016,16(2):125-143
The Palestinian Authority has become a major recipient of development assistance with a primary area of focus on the development of security capacities. As a case study in the securitisation of aid, this article demonstrates how Canadian development aid has been almost exclusively aimed towards areas of security enhancements. Detailing what Canadian security development actors call ‘the Canadian factor’, the article argues that the securitisation of aid is a mobilisation of security expertise to advance the strategic interests of major donors. In detailing the donors as beneficiaries of aid, the article describes how the ‘success story’ of development aid in Palestine is a reflection of how security aid functions to advance the interests of donors as opposed to populations under the recipient authorities. 相似文献
57.
Yong Wang 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(3):455-463
China's Belt and Road initiative came from the combined pressure of slowing down of Chinese economy, US pivot to Asia and deterioration of the relations with neighboring countries after weathering the storm of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. It also symbolizes a more proactive approach of Chinese new leader Xi Jinping in meeting the expectation on China's international obligation and leadership. Aimed to link Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania, the initiative provides tremendous opportunities of international economic cooperation. The paper argues that as China's contribution to international public goods, it is in the line of economic liberalism; as China's grand strategy, it is more of defensive than offensive by nature. Despite risks and uncertainties exist, the enforcement will boost China's influence and position in regional and international institutions. US should consider making more strategic space to the rising China, and a better coordinated China–US relations will make Asia Pacific a safer and more promising region. 相似文献
58.
Zhiqun Zhu 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(4):575-592
This article examines evolving China‐North Korea relations since the early 1990s. It suggests that current Chinese policy toward the Korean Peninsula is not based on ideology but driven by strategic and economic interests. While China‐South Korea relations have warmed up, China‐North Korea relations have deteriorated. Contrary to conventional perception that the two countries are allies, China sees North Korea as a liability now; yet China is unlikely to abandon North Korea soon. The complex China‐North Korea relationship reflects dilemmas China faces in its foreign policy. The so‐called “North Korea problem” is indeed a “US‐China problem.” How far China can go regarding North Korea is closely tied to the state of US‐China relations. Only through US‐China cooperation to map out a future East Asian security arrangement acceptable to both powers can a satisfactory solution to the North Korea problem be found. 相似文献
59.
Renato Cruz De Castro 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(2):305-328
This article examines the Philippines’ two approaches to China's emergence as a power. The first is the Philippines’ strategy of equi‐balancing the United States and China in the early years of the 21st century. During this period, the country revived and strengthened its security arrangements with the United States while at the same time, it obtained economic and politico‐diplomatic concessions from East Asia's emergent power, China. The second is the Philippines’ strategic balancing policy on China. Since 2011, the Aquino Administration has been conducting a delicate balancing act vis‐à‐vis China, which has become aggressive in asserting its sovereignty over the South China Sea. Currently, the Philippines seeks U.S. diplomatic support and security guarantees in relation to its territorial row with China. In the process, President Aquino has discarded his predecessor's policy of equi‐balancing the great powers and tilted the balance in favor of the United States. This policy shift that entails American and Japanese strategic backing doubtlessly enhances the Philippine‐U.S. alliance but strains Philippine‐China bilateral relations. 相似文献
60.
浅析我国民营企业劳动关系 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
王玲 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2006,20(3):14-16
随着我国非公有制经济的健康发展,民营企业已经成为解决我国就业问题的重要渠道之一。目前民营企业的劳动关系比较复杂,存在一些问题,比如侵害劳动者合法权益;大多数民营企业没有组建工会等。对这些问题不能掉以轻心,否则会影响改革进程与和谐社会的建立。 相似文献