Cold War brotherhood contested: KATUSAs,slicky boys,American G.I.s,and the Status of Forces Agreement in post-armistice South Korea, 1954–1966

ABSTRACT

As the largest contingent of Americans in postwar South Korea, the G.I. best represented the United States’ Cold War objectives. Their deployment was an emblem of hard power containment, but the G.I. also embodied soft power integration, and through both, G.I.s helped to promote Pax Americana. This article focuses on the militarized masculinity of these ambassadors of America and their people-to-people diplomacy in South Korea between 1954 and 1966. These American G.I.s constructed their militarized masculinity vis-à-vis the Korean male Other, their “lesser” counterparts – the hapless houseboy, the inferior partner soldier, and the menacing slicky boy. At the same time, this liberal imperialism did not go uncontested. Violent imaginaries of the American G.I. from the borderlands were used by Koreans to demand a new bilateral framework – the Status of Forces Agreement in 1966 – to replace the outmoded wartime extraterritorial jurisdiction wielded by the American military after cessation of hostilities on the Korean peninsula in 1953. The militarized masculinity practiced in everyday encounters, thus, became the basis of a critique of American liberal imperialism in one of the United States closest Cold War “brother” nations.     

Britain’s Place in the Contemporary World

This article offers a personal view of Britain’s place in the contemporary world, analysed in terms of five interlocking rings: the traditional three, i.e. relations with the United States, with Europe and the Commonwealth, to which are added the concepts of process and soft power.     

Fighting for Fame: The ‘Heroines of Pervyse’ and the Disputed Construction of a Public Image

Abstract: This investigative analysis bases itself on an array of documentary material from the archives of the Imperial War Museum in its effort to recover the intricate story behind the two British volunteer nurses who made their name during the First World War with the first-aid station they set up in Pervyse, a mere stone's throw away from the Belgian firing line. The essay juxtaposes a variety of documentary sources—the unpublished diaries of the two women, Geraldine Mitton's reconstruction of the story out of the nurses' journals and letters in The Cellar-House of Pervyse (1916), and two photograph albums, ‘The Women of Pervyse’, bequeathed to the Imperial War Museum—in a quest to understand how the two nurses came to acquire their status of national heroines. Sifting through the source material, this investigation reveals the numerous inconsistencies and gaps that exist between the published and the unpublished accounts of the dressing station, whose true genesis is obscured by several competing narratives. A close reading of Mitton's account and the photographic portraitures discloses that neither of these documents ought to be taken at their face value. They need to be understood as valuable tools in the nurses' own battle for authority, public recognition and their opportunity to feature as genuine protagonists in the arena of war.     

90年代日美安保体制的嬗变

日美安保体制是冷战时代的产物.冷战结束后,国际形势总体上趋向缓和,但日美安保体制却逆历史潮流,在范围、内容、职能、对象等方面发生了质的变化.这必将恶化亚太地区国际关系和战略安全形势,而且对日美双方的利益也将产生一定的负面影响.     

浅析《欲望号街车》在冷战时期的去同性恋化

美国冷战时期的文化意识形态以反共产主义和反同性恋为主导,导致许多作家不得不对当时的文化审查做出不同程度的妥协。而百老汇剧作家田纳西.威廉姆斯便是其中之一。由于他本人同性恋的身份,他的作品更是备受关注。主要通过对比普利策获奖作品之一的《欲望号街车》的先后两个版本,提出他的创作并非一开始便回避同性恋主题,其作品的同性恋化其实是一个历史的渐进过程。     

文化冷战与华侨华人:美国对东南亚华侨华人的宣传渗透

美国在冷战时期对华侨华人的文化冷战是冷战国际史学界最新的一个研究领域,是美国对外宣传史、华侨华人史、中美关系史三个领域交叉的产物。美国对华侨华人的文化冷战经历了从中国政策向东南亚政策的转变,以香港美国新闻处为核心宣传机构实行遥控指挥,并把《今日世界》杂志为代表的书刊纸媒作为主要传媒手段。美国对华侨华人文化冷战的主题和项目主要集中在四个方面:利用传统文化促进台湾声誉,利用文学作品进行反共宣传,用华裔美国人的形象宣传美国价值观,和台湾合作与中国大陆争夺侨生教育。美国对华侨华人的宣传主要并不集中在对政治、外交事件和美国政策的报道和阐释上,而是把重点投注在意识形态、价值观和情感的塑造上,其根本观念以及核心的宣传思路是直接诉诸塑造华人身份认同,把冷战意识形态建构为华侨华人身份认同的一部分,此举于今仍有影响。研究美国对华侨华人的文化冷战,对认识和理解当前的中美关系和大国竞争态势可以提供一定的镜鉴。     

从伊拉克战争看战争法前景

伊拉克战争突破了战争法的许多规则,但战争法的作用不容置疑。战争法发挥作用的社会基础、思想基础等各种主、客观条件仍然存在。随着全球化程度的提高、高技术武器装备的大量运用及相关学科领域的影响,战争法在未来战争中必将发挥越来越重要的作用。     

试析1937—1941年的中苏关系

抗战时期，中苏两国的国际地位和实力的差异，决定了苏联对华政策在双边关系中发挥主导作用。随着国际局势的变化，苏联对外战略的演变直接影响两国关系的发展。当苏联战略需要与中国利益一致时，苏联大力援助中国的抗战事业，两国关系就能顺利发展。而当苏联的战略需要背离中国利益时，苏联外交的大国主义作法则越发明显，甚至为了确保自身的安全而牺牲中国利益。因此，在时局发生剧变之时，中苏对外战略重心的转移使得两国关系不可避免地趋于冷淡。     

论日本战后皇国史观和军国史观的回潮

日本战败投降后,美国为了把日本拉进西方集团的营垒,对昭和天皇不予起诉,并通过旧金山条约对日本彻底“松绑”,一大批负有战争责任的政客、官僚、财阀要员重新钻进政坛,战时的“皇国史观”和“军国史观”等货色开始回潮。随着冷战的深化,日本在追随西方积极反共、反社会主义阵营的同时,不断变换手法,朝着政治、军事大国化的目标迈进。发展到今天,日本陆海空自卫队公然联合开进战区,和平宪法被彻底架空,日本总理再三再四地连续参拜靖国神社,日本的动向引起亚洲人民的警觉和不安。     

朝鲜战争对毛泽东外交战略思想的影响

朝鲜战争使毛泽东确立了联苏反美的外交战略，使毛泽东充分认识到了联合国的作用，认识到了世界上大多数弱小国家的作用，为其提出第三世界理论奠定了基础。朝鲜战争也使毛泽东对人的力量的认识达到了极至，反映在外交战略上，形成了他以人口大国立足世界和制衡美苏的战略思想。