论“后后冷战时代”

自20世纪以来,国际政治经历了"帝国主义时代"、"冷战时代"和"后冷战时代"."9·11"事件后,世界进入"后后冷战时代"."后后冷战时代"具有包括大国冲突"退场"、多极世界形成、世界多样化和全球治理成为国际政治主题等特点.     

Neville Chamberlain and Strategic Relations with the US During his Chancellorship

The standard appreciation of Neville Chamberlain's attitude towards the United States and its relationship to Britain's strategic position in the interwar most often begins its analysis with his becoming Prime Minister in 1937. Those works make it appear as if the man never considered what the strategic worth of the United States was until that moment. This article argues that to do so misses the vital influences and the legacy of Chamberlain's important formative years as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was in that role, and in particular during the confrontational era of negotiations concerning war debts in the period between 1932 and 1934, that his perceptions of the worth of the United States were influenced greatly. This article hopes to redirect future studies of Chamberlain's strategic thinking toward the idea of looking at the formulation of that strategic thinking in a more comprehensive fashion.     

A Problem Postponed: Britain and the Future of Austria-Hungary, 1914-18

Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s.     

平哮合剂治疗寒性哮喘34例

目的：观察中药组（平哮合剂）、氨茶碱组治疗前后患肺通气功能，临床症状改善及可溶性白细胞介素2受体（SIL－2R）的变化，方法：运用酶联免疫吸附双抗体夹心法测定各组患的血清SIL－2R水平。结果：平哮合剂在改善肺功能，临床症状方面疗效比氨茶碱明显（P＜0．05,或P＜0．01），中药组血清SIL－2R水平比氨茶碱组明显降低（P＜0．05）。     

抗战文艺运动述略

抗日战争爆发后党所领导的文艺运动呈现出新的时代特点.围绕"抗战"主题,与民族解放运动同步发展,运用文艺形式进行抗日救亡宣传成为抗战文艺运动的中心内容.探讨抗战文艺运动,得出的结论是:文艺不能脱离现实,文艺必须宏扬时代的主旋律、文艺不能没有党的领导.     

Griffith and the Narrative Pattern of the American Civil－War Movies

From the perspective of the movie history of the centennial American Civil War, this paper expounds the collective memory and the historical reconstruction of the Civil War and post－war reconstruction of the American nation, especially the southern states, where the “Southern Myth” was born. It focuses on the analysis of the direct impact of this myth on Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation, exposes the basic pattern of the theme, and demonstrates the far－reaching influence on the following Civil－War movies within the century; henceforth it provides a cultural historical analytical framework for the future study of the American centennial Civil－War movies.     

The Second World War as a turning point in Arab–Jewish relations: the case of Jaffa and Tel Aviv

One of the gravest outcomes of the period of the Arab revolt was the heavy economic damage caused to the Arab community. Jaffa, which suffered greatly in the years 1936–1939, sought to rebuild and restore the city to its status as a leading economic center in Palestine. This need intensified still more with the outbreak of the Second World War. Hence, it was in Jaffa's evident interest to bring about an improvement in relations with Tel Aviv and with Jews generally. Problems regarding the proper management of economic life in wartime exercised the Jewish settlement also; therefore, Jewish–Arab cooperation steadily grew in this period. The article gauges the measure of this cooperation and the nature of the ties that consolidated between Arabs and Jews during the war. The situation of Jaffa and Tel Aviv serves as a test case well exemplifying the force of the subsequent change in relations between Jews and Arabs in Palestine.     

Answering the “International Call”: Contextualising Sydney Anti-Nuclear and Anti-War Activism in the 1960s

Although recent work on protest in the 1960s has placed organised opposition to the war in Vietnam in a transnational context, there is as yet no history of the Australian anti-nuclear campaigns of the early years of the decade. By examining anti-nuclear activism in 1961 and 1962 in relation to anti-war protest in 1965 and 1966, this paper argues that Sydney activists understood themselves as part of a transnational protest movement well before they began to agitate against military involvement in Vietnam. Lessons learnt while mounting solidarity protests with the British Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament informed the repertoire of practice that Australian anti-war activists used to mount their protests against the conflict in Indochina.     

Elite Indigenous Masculinity in Textual Representations of Aboriginal Service in the Vietnam War

This article analyses three texts that feature Aboriginal soldiers or veterans of the Vietnam War as protagonists: the novel Not Quite Men, No Longer Boys (1999), the play Seems Like Yesterday (2001) and the Redfern Now television episode “The Dogs of War” (2013). In all three texts, military service in Vietnam inculcates among the protagonists sentiments constitutive of what Brendan Hokowhitu refers to as elite Indigenous masculinity—the mimicry and appropriation of white hegemonic masculinity. Constructing themselves as elite Indigenous males allows the Aboriginal soldiers/veterans to position themselves as superior to “other” Aboriginal males. Through the course of the texts, though, the protagonists come to realise that elite Indigenous masculinity is a myth because civilian (white) Australia will continue to judge them the same as other Aboriginal men. Through encounters with other Aboriginal men, the Aboriginal soldiers/veterans are able to reconceptualise their own masculinities and to accept the legitimacy of multiple Aboriginal masculinities.     

抗日战争时期民主党派发祥在重庆的成因探析

中国抗日战争胜利的关键就在于建立和发展了抗日民族统一战线.抗战时期国统区民主运动的显著特点就是爱国民主人士由分散到自发聚会再到成立组织,共同对敌.中共统一战线政策的感召和南方局领导人的统战工作,促成了民主党派组织的建立.这不仅为抗战的胜利作出了重要贡献,也为中共领导的多党合作奠定了基础,留下了启迪.