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441.
Christopher M. Wyatt 《亚洲事务》2016,47(3):366-385
In the imaginations of many, war in British India had its focus on the North-West Frontier and was fought against the tribes of that region. However, British thinking about Indian defence involving Afghanistan underwent tremendous change over the period under consideration. British plans to meet a Russian invasion on the Kabul-Kandahar Line in 1904 resembled those of any other Nineteenth Century Imperial campaign, with numbers of infantry and cavalry still being thought of and referred to as bayonets and sabres. Twenty years later, heavily influenced by the experiences of the Great War in the region and the Third Afghan War and associated operations, the calculus was different with logistics changed by motor vehicles and the introduction of what today are referred to as force multipliers, such as aeroplanes and machine guns. It was over this period that warfare as fought and conceptualised by men like Napoleon gave way to modern practices familiar to us today. 相似文献
442.
Adrian O’Sullivan 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):296-312
During the Anglo-Soviet occupation of Persia (Iran), the Tehran-based Defence Security Office was responsible for protecting from Nazi subversion and sabotage three potential strategic targets: the vital oilfields, pipelines, and refineries of Khuzistan; the Lend-Lease supply route between the Persian Gulf and the Soviet Union; and the security of the Persian polity itself. Against all odds, under the command of Lt Col E.L. ‘Joe’ Spencer, this small but effective British/Indian security-intelligence unit succeeded in neutralising the Nazi threat, in capturing all German operatives on Persian soil, and in maintaining the security of a territory five times the size of Britain. 相似文献
443.
Roberto J. Carmack 《Central Asian Survey》2014,33(1):95-112
This article analyses Soviet agitprop that was produced for Kazakhstani soldiers during the Great Patriotic War. The author argues that one of the main goals of this propaganda was to cultivate a complementary Soviet-Kazakh identity. Conditions at the front made this difficult to accomplish, but Soviet propagandists persisted in tailoring their propaganda for the benefit of Kazakh soldiers. As the war progressed, Kazakh front-line propaganda acquired a more unambiguously Soviet orientation, a consequence of the elimination of key themes derived from Kazakh national history and considered too politically volatile by the Communist Party. The article concludes by suggesting that the narratives articulated during World War II by Soviet propagandists went a long ways towards setting the contours of a prescribed Soviet-Kazakh identity. 相似文献
444.
Gabriela Scodeller 《Labor History》2017,58(3):327-349
The political education of workers and their leaders was viewed as a strategic concern in the cold war period’s bipolar world. This article discusses how this issue was dealt with by Latin American reformist trade unions grouped together in the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT, for its Spanish acronym), analyzing the educational policies promoted by its Inter-American Institute for Labor Studies (IIES), focusing specifically on its educational program for trade union instructors. We argue that the nature of the education provided changed, shifting from a rationale based on explicit ideological confrontation to a more focalized technical type of training. We claim that this shift started in the early 1960s, when the Alliance for Progress was launched. 相似文献
445.
黄海翔 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2015,(2):24-31
文化简化主义与语义的欺骗性对等是西方译者英译中华典籍时常犯的错误之一,其特征是译文与原文表面上语言意义一致,但实质上文化意义却大相径庭。就《孙子兵法》的英译而言,译者的选择体现了译者的文化心理,其又通过译者英译的文化表现体现出来。译者如缺乏文化逻辑意识,以自己的心理框架取代现实的语境,就会以自己认为合理的解释来取代源语文化之文化惯约。欲避免文化简化主义的发生,译者须加强自我自反性,厘清蕴含在文化表现系统中的文化逻辑,通过自反的方法达到差异比较与沟通理解之目的。 相似文献
446.
Abstract: This introduction argues that there is a need to engage in a fresh re-reading of Kawabata Yasunari. It proposes several possible approaches, including using Kawabata as a model for understanding processes of literary canonization, a rethinking of his reception around the globe during the Cold War period, and a historicization of his work in relation to the various censorship regimes that existed in twentieth-century Japan. It also provides brief summaries of the articles contained in this special issue. 相似文献
447.
赵品宇 《江南社会学院学报》2005,7(4):9-13
冷战后美国成为东亚大国力量结构中的关键角色,在美、中、日三角关系中起着重要的平衡作用。冷战后美国东亚大国战略的核心是如何平衡与中日两国的关系,其战略的嬗变将在很大程度上成为影响、制约中日关系的外部因素。美国东亚大国战略由均势战略转向优势战略不仅破坏了地区力量均势,而且进一步加剧了中日两国间在安全、历史等问题上的分歧。中日关系的趋冷将对东亚的安全、稳定带来不利影响。 相似文献
448.
449.
抗战爆发以后,立法院因国家进入战时体制,在人员构成、权限、立法原则等方面进行了调整,总的趋势是立法院权力受到更多的削减与限制,国家的法制建设进程减缓甚至倒退。立法院一般侧重于非常时期的立法工作,颁布了大量有关的战时法令,随时修正各部门提交的法案,以适应抗战的需要。 相似文献
450.
本文试图从政治、经济、文化和国际背景入手,分析泰南穆斯林分离运动在冷战后时期再度兴起的原因,阐明泰南穆斯林分离运动的形成与发展既是历史的延续,也是内因与外因交互作用的结果,其中内因起着主导作用。 相似文献