肯尼迪政府与解决老挝危机的日内瓦会议

面对美国支持的文翁一诺萨万派与中苏北越支持的富马中立派和巴特寮之间激战的老挝局面，肯尼迪政府做出政治解决的决定。日内瓦会议期间，它一面进行政治谈判，同时考虑在以和平手段无法维护其利益时进行军事干涉的两手准备。肯尼迪政府坚持谈判和推动老挝联合政府的组建，为和平解决老挝危机做出了贡献。     

从利益攸关方到战略再保证:霸权衰落下的中美关系

近五年来,美国对华政策定位经历了从利益攸关方、中美国、G2到战略再保证的转变,也成为当前国际关系领域研究的热门话题。这种转变与美国霸权衰落紧密相连,是美国为了延续霸权,希望中国继续融入其霸权体系的手段之一。面对复杂多变的国际局势,战略选择成为中国当前必须慎之又慎的问题。历史证明,与霸权国的对抗没有出路,因此中国只能选择合作。机制化的双边协调对话必然是今后中美关系保持良性发展的趋势,也是中国努力的方向,但也必须时刻警惕美国对华战略中的陷阱。     

越南战争后期中越关系的演变（1968—1972）

本文重点探讨1968—1972年间的中越关系。这段时期正是东亚国际冷战格局开始发生重大转变的历史阶段，在这复杂的大背景下，中越关系不能不深受影响。由于中越两国国家安全利益的不对称性及关注点的差异，中越“同志加兄弟”关系出现越来越大的裂痕，至1972年初。当中美关系实现突破性改善时，中越关系便发生了实质性的变化，两国对立已基本上不可避免。     

冷战后马来西亚华文教育发展状况探析

随着冷战的终结，国际局势不断趋向缓和，许多国家放松了对华文教育的管制。在这种大背景下，冷战后的马来西亚华文教育取得了巨大成就，本文通过对冷战后华文小学及华文独立中学发展状况的分析，揭示了马来西亚华文教育在取得巨大成就的同时仍然面临着一系列问题与挑战的现实。     

Time Present and Time Past: Rivalry and the Duration of Interstate Wars, 1846-1985

This article sits at the intersection of the rivalry, war duration, and bargaining literatures, suggesting that histories of armed conflict between states increase war duration through their effects on the selectorate and the wartime bargaining process. I argue that the historical relationship between two states plays an integral role in the duration of future conflict. Specifically, historical conflict between states intensifies the preference of national selectorates for military victory and narrows the range of negotiated settlements that leaders might pursue while still maintaining domestic political support. I employ Bennett and Stam's (1996) ex ante data set and Crescenzi and Enterline's (2001) International Interaction Score to provide an empirical test of the ability to generalize appropriately coded historical interaction to the topic of war duration. Contradicting earlier studies, the results of this analysis show that a properly operationalized measure of rivalry has significant and positive effects on war duration.     

抗战时期章乃器经济思想经世性探微——一位非学院派经济学家的学术取向

抗战爆发后,章乃器对经济问题关注的重点因为战争经济体制的确立与战前有了明显的变化,他兼具经济学家和政治家的身份得以突显。他在抗日期间能更充分地将政治与技术结合在一起。这一时期其经济思想主要体现在下列三个方面：一、显具民本特色的财政思想;二、以充实国力为归宿的战时金融思想;三、以民生主义为导向的工业发展思想。他的思想历程突出了非经院派的爱国人士的意识形态上的政治性取向。章乃器没有明确指责抗战时期国民政府的经济政策和财政金融政策,但是,他的民为邦本的传统性的政治追求却彰显无疑。     

World War One Italian and Austrian soldier identification project: DNA results of the first case

We report the results of an attempt to identify the supposed remains of a famous World War I (WWI) Italian soldier who was killed in battle along the Italian front in 1915.Thanks to the availability of offspring from both paternal and maternal lineage Y-STRs and mtDNA were analysed and both showed a clear exclusion scenario: the remains did not belong to the supposed war hero.This is the first effort of identification of the remains of soldiers who perished during World War I within a multidisciplinary project aimed at the retrieval of historical and cultural aspects linked to WWI, and the systematic study of the remains of soldiers and ultimately their identification. This last step involves both Italian and Austrian laboratories.     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区的成人教育

抗战时期,陕甘宁边区在党中央和边区政府的领导下,在以学校教育为主要形式的国民教育得到迅速发展的同时,以社会教育、干部教育为主要形式的成人教育也取得了显著的成绩,不仅提高了边区广大民众和各级干部的文化水平和政治素质,而且也为边区和各抗日根据地培养和输送了大批各级各类干部。     

Building ‘healthy happy family units’: Aileen Fitzpatrick and reuniting children separated by the Greek Civil War with their families in Australia, 1949–1954

Abstract

This article explores the efforts by Aileen Fitzpatrick, the Australian social worker, who repatriated child refugees from Greece at the height of the Greek Civil War, to reconstruct ‘healthy, happy family units’. I explore several themes. First, Fitzpatrick’s argument for the unification of families echoed the view that the family unit represented democracy and freedom in the post-war period. Second, an appeal to reuniting family became a successful strategy for crossing cold war lines when dealing with several governments. Third, for Fitzpatrick child saving from war and reuniting families was perceived to be essential to democracy, humanitarianism and internationalism. Finally, by taking a biographical approach, the details of the experience of family emerge in new ways. A focus on Fitzpatrick’s strategies suggests family rhetoric could be used to both promote and yet also cross cold war lines. More broadly, this article seeks to embed the history of the family within the general history of the post-war period as a way of highlighting how the ideal of the family was mobilised in rhetoric on freedom, democracy and the future and which in practice revealed the severe challenges facing families after the war.