共青团群团职能论纲

与共青团的政治职能产生于党团之间特殊的政治关系、共青团的社会管理职能来源于政府与团的关系不同,共青团的群团职能是由共青团与青年关系引申出来的,在共青团所有的社会关系中最具基础性、根本性,是衡量共青团组织价值的刚性指标。共青团只有全面履行组织、引导、服务、维权的群团职能,充当党的助手后备军的政治职能、协助政府管理青少年事务的社会管理职能才有坚实的依托。从理论层面解读共青团的群团职能,理顺其与根本职责、政治职能、社会管理职能之间的逻辑关系,对于全面活跃共青团工作具有重要的理论与实践意义。     

毛泽东同志与中国共产党的道路自信

中共十八大报告提出了坚定中国特色社会主义道路自信的重大命题。毛泽东同志在革命年代创造性地提出了“农村包围城市、武装夺取政权”的道路,并排除党内外的各种困难坚持了这一正确道路,最终率领中国共产党和各族人民取得了中国革命的伟大胜利。毛泽东同志对中国革命的道路选择、道路坚持以及道路自信的成功经验对中国共产党当下的工作具有重大借鉴意义。     

化解党内“精神懈怠”危险的思考

中国共产党一贯高度重视党的精神状态和精神面貌问题,始终坚持党的思想建设,不断化解党内＂精神懈怠危险＂。当前,党内存在的精神懈怠问题,必须引起全党同志的高度重视。党的十八大明确要求坚定理想信念,坚守共产党人精神追求。我们一定要把化解＂精神懈怠危险＂,作为加强党的先进性和纯洁性建设的一项长远性战略性任务,常抓不懈。     

宪法至上与中国共产党的领导

在依法治国的方略确定之后 ,宪法至高无上地位的确立和坚持中国共产党对国家的领导 ,是中国实现社会主义法治的关键所在。中国共产党的各级党的组织 ,是维护宪法至上的最主要力量。宪法最能体现最广大人民群众的意志 ,宪法由人民制订是宪法至上性的根本所在。按照中国特色的执政党与宪法的关系理论 ,宪法至上不仅不会动摇执政党的地位 ,反而会巩固和提高执政党即中国共产党的领导地位。     

从2018年地方选举看俄罗斯左翼政党发展态势

俄罗斯地方选举的结果往往能够反映出俄罗斯的政治社会形势、中央地方关系的变化情况以及精英的流动和发展状况,对国家杜马选举甚至俄罗斯总统选举都有一定的影响。2018年俄地方选举呈现出不同以往的特点,普京支持的“统一俄罗斯”党不仅失去多个地区的领导权,在地区立法机构的席位也大幅缩水。相比之下,俄罗斯联邦共产党则取得了不错的竞选成绩,在所有参选地区的得票率都有所提升,大幅提高了在地区立法机构中的席位占比。但是由于政治当局的打压、左翼政党内部的分裂和俄罗斯联邦共产党自身的发展局限,俄罗斯左翼政党在短期内依然无法与强大的政权党抗衡。不断进行理论创新、加强党的自身建设、联合其他左翼政党和爱国力量,才是俄罗斯左翼政党复兴的长远之计。     

Sleaze or clear blue water?: the evolution of corporate and pressure group representation at the major UK party conferences

There has been growing academic and public interest in corporate political lobbying in both the UK and EU in recent years. In Britain, links between politicians and commercial interests have been one of the areas examined by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (‘the Nolan Committee’ and now ‘the Neill Committee’). A visible but under‐researched aspect of political lobbying by firms and other groups is the range of activities that take place at annual party conferences. An exhaustive study of these activities at the three main British party conferences between 1994–97 is reported, covering the period from Tony Blair's first appearance as party leader to the aftermath of the 1997 General Election. There is clear growth of visible lobbying, particularly at the Labour conferences, over the period leading up to the election, and a dropping off in 1997; particularly at the Conservative conference. The implications of the results for organisations, and particularly for public affairs practitioners, are considered. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications     

中国共产党提高党建科学化水平理论与实践的历史回顾

提高党的建设科学化水平是无产阶级政党建设的奋斗目标,是以科学发展观为指导的新的党建观产生的标志。改革开放以来,每次党的全国代表大会总书记的报告、历次党章的修改以及每次专门讨论党的建设问题的中央全会,见证了党建科学化水平不断提高的历程。提高党建科学化水平的历史经验是,认清党的历史方位,明确党建总目标是逻辑起点,解放思想、实事求是是动力源泉,党建推进模式的转变是重要着力点,党内民主是必由之路。     

How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position

Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government.     

Don't call me a populist! The meaning of populism for western European parties and politicians

In recent years a common understanding of the core elements of populist communication has been achieved in academia. Yet, we know less about how the term populism is used by political parties themselves, despite widespread assumptions about the use of populism as a battle term to disqualify competitors. Based on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of Twitter content from mainstream and populist actors in six western European countries, this study finds that populism is indeed used by mainstream parties in a pejorative way in order to label political competitors. Yet, not only populist but also mainstream competitors are labeled populist by the center parties linking a variety of different negative meanings to the term, which are often of a less demonizing nature not questioning the legitimacy of others. Populists in Italy and France refer to the term in a positive way, while Spanish and German populists rather reject the label.     

Subnational competitive authoritarianism and power-sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT

Incremental democratic decline is evident in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), but measures of democracy conceal an uneven subnational distribution of autocratization. So far there has been limited research on the drivers and constraints to subnational autocratization. This paper aims to contribute to the literature on power-sharing by exploring instances of illiberal politics enacted by parties in government at the subnational level in BiH. Evidence is gathered through semi-structured interviews and analysis of three specific cases of illiberal politics. We find that the political contest in BiH is purposefully contained within ethnic and subnational boundaries and constrained through several layers of institutionalized multilevel and ethnic checks and balances. The main drivers of subnational autocratization are opportunities that arise from the institutional framework established during early democratization and postwar structures that blend executive dominance with economic power and informal party networks, and occasionally from an individual actor’s perceptions of threat. Democratization in BiH will need to address subnational politics and deep-rooted power structures if it is to be successful.