高校团组织服务大学生就业创业工作的若干思考

服务大学生就业创业,是高校共青团工作的一项重要内容。高校团组织服务大学生就业创业,具有组织优势、载体优势、资源优势和通讯优势。高校团组织要充分发挥这些优势,在工作策略和服务措施等方面,采取切实有效的办法,帮助大学生顺利实现就业创业,从而体现团组织服务青年的功能。     

建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史透视

中国共产党始终注重学习马克思主义理论,并不断将其与中国实际相结合,努力实现马克思主义中国化。党学习马克思主义理论,在党创立后的前30年,着重从思想上建设党,确立了正确的思想和政治路线,实现了马克思主义中国化第一次历史性飞跃,取得了新民主主义革命伟大胜利;在第二个＂30年＂,对适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路进行了艰苦的探索,教训十分深刻;在最近的＂30年＂,党从号召学习马克思主义理论走向建设马克思主义学习型政党,期间现实了马克思主义中国化第二次历史性飞跃,从而取得了中国特色社会主义事业的伟大成就。党建设马克思主义学习型政党的历史给予我们许多重要启示。     

与时俱进做好大学生就业工作

市场经济条件下,高等教育事业实现了由精英教育向大众教育的转变,高校毕业生就业难引起全社会的关注.用"职业生涯发展辅导"这一新的就业工作模式,代替原有的"就业指导"模式是大势所趋.高校共青团组织应该适应就业工作的变化,改变服务方法、策略,实现共青团组织满足社会需求和服务青年的根本职能.     

执政党科学执政的探究

中国共产党能不能科学执政,关系到党在建设中国特色社会主义的历史进程中的地位和作用,关系到建设中国特色社会主义事业兴衰成败,关系到中华民族前途命运,关系党和国家的长治久安。这已不再是危言耸听,这已成为中国共产党乃至世界上一切政党必须要认真总结的执政规律。     

The Personalization(s) of Politics: Israel, 1949–2003

The relationship between the United States and Iran has had an important influence on world affairs during the past two decades. Accordingly, the U.S. news media have an instrumental role in portraying U.S.‐Iran relations to the public. The Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis of 1979–1981, the TWA hijacking of 1985, the Irangate controversy of 1986–1987, and the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 are examples of important media events that have impacted public opinion regarding U.S. policy toward Iran. This research analyzes government and print media portrayals of the Reagan administration's U.S.‐Iran policy during Irangate. Results supported the prediction that the print media would fulfill their “watchdog” function by providing more critical portrayals of the United States' policy toward Iran than the Tower Commission Report, an investigative document published by President Reagan's Special Review Board. Among the three leading newspapers analyzed, there was significant diversity in the reporting of U.S.‐Iran relations. Results indicate the Reagan administration's attempt to “spin” its version of Irangate did not successfully pressure the media to neglect their watchdog role. Although the Tower Commission Report was less critical of U.S. policy toward Iran than the print media, all four print media sources portrayed the Reagan administration's policy as a flawed approach that degenerated into trading arms for hostages. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.     

Party politics,elections and (mis-)trust in Japan

Abstract

Trust matters profoundly for many dimensions of political life. In this article we focus on political trust: how the trust or mistrust citizens have toward the political process, politicians and government affects politics. Prior research has shown that political trust influences such crucial dimensions of politics as the basic legitimacy of government, political participation, voting behavior, compliance with government, and reform orientation. In this article, we seek to answer three major questions. First, is political trust declining in Japan? Second, we are interested in exploring the determinants of trust and distrust in politics: why do people lose trust in politics? What kinds of voters lose political trust? Third, we explore the consequences: what happens when people lose trust in government and politics.     

广东共青团:理论创新与工作创新

广东共青团工作已经取得了引人注目的成绩,但为了适应新的社会形势和社会需要,必须勇于改革、大胆创新,进一步为全国作出探索和试验。其中的关键在于理论创新。广东共青团工作理论创新的重大课题是:1.全面建设小康社会与广东青年的历史责任;2."三个代表"重要思想与广东共青团组织的生机活力;3.广东市场经济体制建立与共青团先进性质的拓展;4.广东社会阶层结构变化与共青团群众基础的扩大;5.广东共青团工作的社会化趋势与可持续发展。在新思想、新理论的指导下,广东共青团将建立"一条主线、三支队伍、五项服务"的新型工作体系,开创崭新的工作局面。     

Party debate over Europe in national election campaigns: Electoral disunity and party cohesion

Few political parties are willing to lead the public debate on how the European Union should develop and parties rarely publicly discuss issues on the EU agenda. This is probably one of the most important democratic problems in the contemporary EU. When and why parties are willing (or not willing) to discuss European cooperation is therefore an essential issue in which political science should engage. Previous research has shown that parties that are internally divided on EU issues downplay these issues in order to avoid internal disputes. At the same time, parties that have severe intraparty conflicts over the issue are unable to contain the debate. Thus, parties that are unified in their position on EU issues and parties that are heavily split speak about the EU, but others do not. Also, earlier research has shown that political parties downplay issues in response to internal divisions among their supporters. It is argued in this article that the focus should not be solely on intraparty conflict or whether or not a party's voters are hesitant or disunited, but rather on how these factors interact in order to better understand how parties act strategically regarding EU issues. Using a new dataset that relies on quantitative content analysis of quality newspapers during the national election campaigns in the period 1983–2010 in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, it is found that parties that have a high degree of internal dissent on European issues, while at the same time having an equally divided electorate, are the parties that are most present in the public debate. Hence, it is the interaction between these two important factors that explains much of the variation in the amount of attention paid to European issues in national election campaigns.     

Stepping in the same river twice: Stability amidst change in Eastern European party competition

Party competition in Eastern Europe faces a seeming paradox. On the one hand, research finds increased political volatility in these countries, while, on the other, some authors demonstrate inherent ideological stability in the region. This research note presents a new methodological approach to adjudicating between these two findings, and suggests that while political organisations come and go, the ideological structure of party competition in Eastern Europe is strikingly steady. By developing a number of different measures of the dimensional structure of party competition, the consistency of the measures across countries, as well as their relative stability within countries over time, is demonstrated. The findings speak to current developments in Eastern Europe, and have implications beyond the region. The conclusion that even volatile party systems can be underpinned by stable ideological oppositions points to two different types of party system structure: one related to parties as organisations, and the other related to parties as expressions of political divides.     

网络舆情语境下提升民主党派基层组织参政议政能力的路径思考

当前,网络舆情在给我国民主党派基层组织参政议政带来机遇的同时,其突发性、偏差性、繁杂性等特性对民主党派基层组织的应急能力、政治智慧、实战水平等方面提出了严骏挑战,这就要求各民主党派基层组织应当勇于抓住网络舆情对参政议政带来的良好机遇,努力适应当前网络舆情发展的新形势,积极借助网络平台,时刻关注舆情讯息,充分汲取网络民意,深入开展网络调查与监督,着力提升参政议政能力。