Popular initiatives in Uruguay: confidence votes on government or political loyalties?

Among stable democracies, Uruguay is one of the most prodigious users of direct democratic devices at the national level. If we analyze the relationship between the share of “yes” votes received by any popular initiative and the share of votes received by politicians who politically supported it, we observe a strikingly high positive correlation of 0.9. Explaining this correlation is the central objective of this paper. Three alternative hypotheses are plausible: First, such a correlation could be a spurious association due to aggregation bias. Second, PI results could be reflections of economic conditions. Third, Uruguayans are extremely consistent in following their political parties' advice. This paper finds that when Uruguayans go to the polls to vote on a popular initiative, their vote choice is primarily the result of their party loyalty, rather than their reaction to economic conditions. In testing my hypotheses I rely on the following statistical methods: King's “Ecological Inference,” multivariate regression, and path analysis. The data come from seven popular initiatives in Uruguay since 1985 (133 observations).     

以"三个代表"重要思想为指导繁荣云南哲学社会科学事业

在建立社会主义市场经济、建设有中国特色社会主义的过程中 ,必须以“三个代表”的重要思想为指导 ,充分重视哲学社会科学研究的重大意义。云南省哲学社会科学研究在全省的经济社会发展中发挥了重要作用。进入 2 1世纪 ,新时期对云南省哲学社会科学研究提出了更高的要求 ,坚持“与时俱进” ,推进理论创新 ,才能使哲学社会科学研究更好地为党和政府决策服务 ,为建设云南民族文化大省服务     

The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

The rise of illiberal politics in Southeast Europe

ABSTRACT

Democracy is backsliding throughout Southeast Europe but there are no signs of full democratic breakdown. Instead, political parties and their leaders incrementally undermine challenges to governmental authority while keeping electoral contest largely intact. This article introduces a special issue that aims to examine and explain democratic decline by looking at the prevalence of illiberal politics across countries and issues. In order to overcome the limitations of fixed regime classification we adopt a procedural lens and look into governing practices that gradually tilt the electoral playing field. Utilizing the concept of Illiberal politics allows us to examine sets of policies enacted by political parties in government with the aim to remain in power indefinitely. By tracing democratic decline in Serbia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, and Croatia we observe different patterns of weakness, but also common causes arising from weak institutions and inherited governance practices that preserve executive dominance, patronage, and informality.     

“直接适用的法”与合同准据法的确定

“直接适用的法”是指无须援引法院地冲突规则而必须直接适用于某种涉外民商事关系的强制性法律规范。它在涉外合同准据法的确定中的地位有不同观点 ,本文对此进行了探讨 ,并分析了“直接适用的法”与具体的涉外合同法律适用原则的关系 ,认为“直接适用的法”在适用于涉外合同关系时只应作为对一般冲突规范的限制 ,而不是确定合同准据法的首要原则。     

“三个代表”与新时期高校共青团工作

"三个代表"重要思想对高校共青团工作具有重大指导意义.面对各种机遇和挑战,高校共青团组织要强化政治意识,深化服务功能,树立创新观念,全面推进新时期高校共青团工作.     

试论“砸碎三个锁链”思想到“三个文明”建设思想的发展

150多年前,革命导师马克思提出了"失去的是锁链,得到的将是整个世界"的论断,这一论断具有丰富的内容.如何完成无产阶级的历史使命,砸碎政治、经济和精神三个锁链,这既是一个理论性问题,又是一个实践性问题,为此,各国无产阶级开始了各自的探索.中国共产党提出的"三个文明"建设的思想,是对马克思"砸碎三个锁链"思想的丰富和发展.     

对"三个代表"关于党执政合法性的意蕴解读

"三个代表"重要思想是对中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性的直接应答,政治合法性意蕴是"三个代表"的应有之义.从政治合法性的层面解读"三个代表"重要思想,有利于完整地理解"三个代表"重要思想,消除"三个代表"研究的盲点."三个代表"重要思想从政治合法性的绩效性基础、意识形态基础、群众基础、法理型基础等方面论证了中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性.     

必须维护毛泽东同志的历史地位

必须从党和毛泽东的全部历史,从历史转折关头毛泽东的巨大贡献,从毛泽东对丰富发展马克思主义理论宝库的巨大贡献,从毛泽东思想对世界的影响,看待毛泽东同志的历史地位。毛泽东晚年的错误是伟大的无产阶级革命家所犯的错误。邓小平理论、"三个代表"重要思想是新时期对毛泽东思想的继承、坚持和发展,是同马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想一脉相承的科学体系。所以,必须旗帜鲜明地维护毛泽东同志的历史地位。     

从社会主义历史实践看“三个代表“重要思想

"三个代表"是科学社会主义理论创新的必然结果,来自全球社会主义历史实践的正反经验,是中国共产党在世界经济全球化和中国社会主义现代性经济社会结构转型背景下,向全体人民作出的领导建设中国特色社会主义伟大事业的执政承诺.中国共产党兑现这一执政承诺的主要途径是在意识形态意义上引导全体人民建立一种对小康社会目标的合理社会预期,同时把先进生产力、先进文化和人民根本利益以党的路线、方针、政策和制度形式展现在中国特色社会主义的经济、文化和政治文明建设实践之中.