Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far-reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti-European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue-based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU-related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far-right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far-left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.     

A problem with empirical studies of party policy shifts: Alternative measures of party shifts are uncorrelated

Many recent cross-national studies analyse the causes and electoral consequences of party policy shifts, using party position measures derived from election manifestos, expert surveys or voter surveys. However few studies validate their findings by analysing multiple measures of party policy shifts. In this article, data on European parties’ position shifts on both European integration and left-right ideology is analysed, showing that this is problematic because, while alternative measures of party policy positions correlate strongly in cross-sectional analyses, alternative measures of parties’ policy shifts are essentially uncorrelated in longitudinal analyses. Suggestions are offered on how to address this problem.     

Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain

What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally.     

建立民主党派的核心价值观——民主党派树立和践行社会主义核心价值体系的切入点

民主党派建立社会主义核心价值观,是增进思想认同、强化角色定位、弘扬优良传统的必然选择。民主党派社会主义核心价值观的内涵是由我国国家政治体制的特点、民主党派的性质定位以及时代发展的要求共同决定的,主要体现在参政为民、协商为本、合作共赢、发展进步四个方面。民主党派树立和践行社会主义核心价值观,必须处理好自成体系与换位思考、应然与实然、局部与整体、共性与个性四对关系。     

浅谈我国参政党自身建设问题

当前,民主党派要切实履行参政党职能、提高参政能力建设,就必须重视自身能力建设.加强参政党自身建设具有一定的客观必然性,这是由参政党的地位、性质和特点所决定的.参政党加强自身建设的总体目标是,实现思想观念、组织结构、政治功能和活动方式的现代化.要以思想建设为核心,以组织建设为基础,以制度建设为保障,以作风建设为动力,切实加强自身建设,增强自身的凝聚力、战斗力、团结力.     

略论参政党的民主监督——基于权利的分析视角

民主监督是我国参政党的两大职能之一,是以权利制约权力的监督形式.它既是人民民主权利的重要体现,也是多党合作制度赋予民主党派的权利和职责.本文在分析参政党民主监督的定位和民主监督权利体系的基本要素的基础上,从参政党建设的角度探讨这一权利有效行使亟须解决的若干问题.     

中国共产党90年来探索解决民族问题发展道路探析

理论创新是实践的必然要求,中国共产党90年来不断把马列主义民族理论创造性地运用于解决中国民族问题的实践,制定了符合中国国情的民族政策,开展了卓有成效的民族工作,促进了中国民族问题的解决,丰富和发展了马列主义民族理论。新世纪新阶段,民族工作面临机遇与挑战,我们要在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央领导下,紧扣各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展的民族工作主题,努力探索解决民族问题的新途径,促进各民族的团结和发展繁荣。     

论中央苏区党对廉政文化建设的探索与贡献

中央苏区的廉政文化建设就是对干部加强政治思想理论和知识教育,不断提高防腐反腐的能力,加强为政之德的政治伦理教育,营造反腐败的舆论氛围。廉政文化建设必须有法可依,建立健全各项民主制度,发挥行政监察机关的作用,强化舆论监督,对腐败分子绳之以法。廉政文化建设要以革命战争为中心,并作为执政党的一件大事抓紧抓好,同时还必须坚持以人为本的理念。     

中国特色社会主义道路的国际示范意义

中国特色社会主义道路是以中国共产党为领导核心的、以不断解放和发展社会主义社会生产力为目的的、以不断满足最广大人民群众需要为出发点和落脚点的一条独具特色的社会发展道路。中国特色社会主义道路根本理论、方针、政策的一贯性和延续性,基于基本国情为出发点的分析方法,处理具体道路与总道路的逻辑方法,以满足人民需要为目标的价值取向,可以为世界许多国家提供借鉴和示范。     

新中国成立初期中国共产党领导政治建设取得的辉煌成就

新中国成立初期,中国共产党带领人民实现了从民族危难到民族独立的转变,并朝着民族复兴的目标阔步向前。在此阶段,我党始终坚守政治性这一根本属性,重视政治建设,于摸索中前进,于前进中总结。在推进新民主主义向社会主义过渡,并建设社会主义的过程中,中国共产党守正创新,领导中国人民逐步建立完善的政治制度体系;解放思想,正确看待社会主义矛盾问题;以人为本,巩固发展社会主义民主与法制;实事求是,坚持确立党和国家的领导制度。