宪法解释:一种拯救中国宪法权威性的方法--读范进学教授著《宪法解释的理论建构》

依法治国的前提是依宪治国。在当下中国,依法治国方略虽然被写进了宪法,但宪法却没有得到很好的适用,宪法仍然缺乏必要的权威性。《宪法解释的理论建构》一书充分论证了“释宪演进模式”较之“立宪演进模式”在提高宪法权威方面的优越性,并从界定宪法解释的概念入手,对宪法解释的场合、主体、目标和原则做了令人信服的论证。尽管《宪法解释的理论建构》没有解决宪法解释的方法等技术层面上的问题,但该书对宪法解释主体的界定和对解释原则的论证已经为宪法解释的技术性研究扫清了理论障碍。     

省级人大常委会参与合宪性审查的空间和机制

省级人大常委会参与合宪性审查,对推进我国合宪性审查工作体系化具有重要作用.自地方扩容立法以来,地方立法主体“数量多、能力低”的现状、地方立法的本土化趋向和宪法变迁共同增加了地方规范性文件的违反宪性风险.而现有的规范性文件备案审查制度因其固有体系缺陷,不足以促进合宪性审查的有效实现.在实定法层面,《宪法》《立法法》等相关...     

Institutional resilience of Taiwan’s semi-presidential system: the integration of the president and premier under party politics

Over the past three decades, the semi-presidentialism has been adopted in most new democracies. It is also the constitutional order in most democracies, which can be divided into three categories: established, post-Leninist, and postcolonial democracies. Semi-presidentialism is a political system with dual executive branches. Moreover, because of these dual executive branches, the constitutional order of semi-presidentialism might be similar to a presidential system if the president is the de facto head of government. It might also be similar to a parliamentary system if the prime minister is the de facto head of government with the support of the parliamentary majority. Taiwan has been considered as a semi-presidential country since 1997. According to Taiwan’s constitutional amendments, its president is directly elected, and the premier (prime minister) and cabinet are responsible to the legislature. Dual executive system in Taiwan has been effective and flexible. I attempt to examine the institutional resilience of Taiwan’s constitutional function, which means that, in properly responding to social movements, its government has continued to function well. In addition, the president has been able to continue serving in office in spite of political crises. A vague constitutional design and a presidentialized party system are two reasons for this.     

Curbing the royal prerogative to use military force: the British House of Commons and the conflicts in Libya and Syria

Abstract

To what extent does political practice under the British Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition (2010–2015) reflect a ‘parliamentary prerogative’? From a formal-institutional point of view one should not expect substantial parliamentary influence in Britain. Yet recent developments suggest the emergence of a new convention. Examining parliamentary debates during the run-up to the votes on Libya and Syria, this contribution shows that the scope and contents of this convention remain contested. Specifically, there is disagreement about the kind of operations that ought to be exempt from the rule, questions of parliamentary procedure that favour the executive and, crucially, the proper timing of substantive votes. Nonetheless, parliament has emerged from the vote on Syria as an informal veto player on decisions regarding war involvement. However, whether MPs will exercise their veto power in prospective cases will depend on the preference distribution in the legislature and the nature of the proposed deployment.     

Coloured Judgements? The Work of the Thai Constitutional Court, 1998–2016

Created in 1997 as part of a major constitutional reform, Thailand’s Constitutional Court has since become embroiled in several high-profile political controversies. Since the 2006 coup, because a number of such decisions have favoured one political camp and considering obvious close and long-standing relations between judges and political elites, questions have arisen about the court’s ability to act as an independent arbiter. Is this view justifiable? To answer that question, this article first analyses how the court has behaved across political administrations in 32 high-profile cases since 2001. It then turns to the socio-biographic profile of the bench, the politics of nominations and changes to its composition, particularly since 2006. Finally, the article considers data on participants in classes offered by the Constitutional Court, which makes it possible to better understand the links between Thai political and judicial networks. The analysis finds evidence of politically biased voting patterns and increasingly partisan nominations to the court, though formally appointment procedures are apolitical, which suggests the politicisation of the court and growing ties between judicial and political elites. These findings raise new questions about the public’s perception of the Constitutional Court’s legitimacy and prospects for the rule of law.     

紧急状态下公民权利的保障——基于公法救济之行政诉讼的视角

时间定格在2008年5月12日,政府紧急权力的行使引起了人们对紧急状态下公民权利保障的深刻反思.传统的紧急状态理论认为,紧急权力的作用旨在保障国家安全、公共福祉;而公民权利在紧急状态时期,往往被作为牺牲的对象.时至今日,在紧急状态下的公民的局部基本权利逐渐得到认可,但大多数基本权利乃至自然权利仍然无法得到与宪政民主精神相一致的保障,这就是公民权利的危机.有权利必有救济,如何保障紧急状态下的公民权利,便成了现代宪政民主国家的普遍困惑.笔者基于公法救济之行政诉讼的视角出发,以期为宪政民主国家寻求一种可塑的解决之道,为公民权利的保障提供一种可能的机制.     

刍议对公民社会权的司法救济——以南非格鲁特布姆案为视角

作为体现对公民享有人的尊严的基本生活的保护,公民的社会权已随社会的发展而相继被很多国家写进宪法。随着贫富差距的日益增大和人权观念的逐渐深入,社会权作为一种新兴的人权当然也日益被社会所重视。而如何从实体和程序上对其加以法律保障,就成为宪法学需要予以研究的问题。     

新南非的包容性发展之路——非国大100周年纪念

南非曾经是种族矛盾和冲突最为严重的国家,300多年欧洲殖民者的征服和统治,造成了南非种族间政治、经济、社会的割裂与对抗。1994年南非废除种族隔离,建立了种族平等的民主制度。新南非政治社会变革和转型的进程,避免了很多人担忧的种族仇杀和动乱,关键在于坚持了包容性理念和政策,构建了以宪法为核心的一整套法律体系,以保障国家统一和公民基本权利为基本宗旨,在多元一体国家的建设中,取得了举世公认的社会进步。研究南非在新制度下的包容性发展之路,具有重要的现实意义和理论意义。     

新中国宪法权利理论发展评述——以方法论为视角

中国宪法权利理论已经逐步摆脱了早期单一的法哲学方法的研究,法解释学的方法成为宪法学研究的新趋势,具有中国特色的宪法权利的法解释学呼之欲出。伴随着上述方法论的变迁,关于宪法权利的保障模式理论也摒弃了那种单纯的相对保障说,更多学者主张宪法权利的直接保障说。如果抛开中国语境,上述研究甚至已经实现了与当今西方宪法权利理论的接轨。然而,对于产生于西方特定历史阶段的种种宪法权利学说的借鉴,仍需结合我国立宪主义的历史课题和法治发展的现状来展开。     

论无害错误规则的具体适用标准

无害错误规则是美国重要的程序法制度.其具体适用标准按宪法性错误和制定法错误划分可归纳为根本缺陷性错误标准、审理过程宪法性错误标准、排除证据标准、陪审团裁判标准、实质影响标准、证据绝时优势性标准和污染失效标准七种.为更明确阐述这七种具体适用标准,还从模糊数学角度对它们进行了厘定.