宪法按劳分配规范的当代意涵

按劳分配是我国宪法上一项重要的经济制度和劳动制度,其当代意涵需要从经济改革的角度加以阐发。经济改革为宪法按劳分配规范设定了演进主义的解释立场,改革的实践与需求构成解释宪法按劳分配规范的主要依据。经济改革引入了市场经济体制,重构了所有制结构和分配制度,也改变了按劳分配的制度环境。在与制度环境适配的过程中,按劳分配的规范意涵不断丰富。按劳分配亦服务于重要的宪法目标和宪法价值。新发展理念入宪意味着创新和共享成为新的宪法价值目标。对于按劳分配规范的解释,应与效率、创新、共享三大目标实现衔接互构。     

足迹系统构成及其在足迹系统检验中的作用

在足迹检验中,必须认识到足迹是一个"信息系统",充分理解并发挥足迹各子系统在检验中的作用,摒除单一或割裂的检验习惯,变一维式检验为多维式的系统检验,从而实现足迹检验的目的。     

The single transferable vote and ethnic conflict: The evidence from Northern Ireland

There has been a long-running debate amongst constitutional engineers between those who favour the proportional representation of parties (usually via PR-Closed List systems) and post-election power-sharing (Lijphart) and those who favour attempting to induce pre-election inter-ethnic ‘vote-pooling’ (Horowitz) as a more effective and stable method of governing divided societies. Less attention has been paid to the fact that other options are available. A leading candidate amongst these is the Single Transferable Vote (STV), a non-categorical ordinal ballot system that may be capable of combining the essential ‘fairness’ of proportionality with the centripetal benefits of some inter-ethnic vote-pooling. Northern Ireland is the only divided society with extensive experience of STV elections. This paper examines the empirical evidence before and after the 1998 Belfast Agreement by examining the operation of the electoral system at the Northern Ireland Assembly elections of 1982, 1998, 2003, 2007 and 2011. The main findings are that prior to the 1998 Agreement inter-ethnic vote-pooling in Northern Ireland was very close to zero. Afterwards (1998–2007) terminal transfers from the moderate unionist UUP to the moderate nationalist SDLP averaged 32 per cent (and 13 per cent in the opposite direction). Although most transfers clearly remain within ethnic blocs, these inter-ethnic terminal transfers are a change with the past and suggest that STV may be an appropriate electoral system choice for some divided societies.     

违宪刑法条款的刑事一体化解决机制

法体系内刑法条款和宪法发生冲突实属必然,此时该刑法条款有违宪之嫌。但是不能简单地付诸刑法修改,而是尽量在刑事一体化的框架内解决。应采取刑法的合宪性解释、刑法的合宪性推定、暂时搁置争议等方法尽量消解冲突,维护宪法和刑法的权威。     

Reforming the United Kingdom Constitution: Law,Convention, Soft Law

The Governance of Britain Green Paper continues the programme of constitutional reform begun in 1997, and appears to reinforce the juridification of the UK's constitution. Nevertheless, several key reforms will be implemented not by legislation, but by creating new conventions. This article argues that such ‘declared’ conventions are best understood as a form of constitutional ‘soft law’, which attempt to influence constitutional behaviour rather than generating binding norms. Applying a regulatory analysis, it then argues that the case for a soft, rather than hard law approach to constitutional reform is weaker than its widespread use in the UK suggests. Finally, the article challenges the thesis that the political constitution is being replaced by a legal constitution, arguing that the government's attitude to constitutional reform still exhibits basic characteristics of political constitutionalism. Moreover, there is more to contemporary constitutional developments than a bipolar contest between political and legal constitutionalism.     

对我国行政区划体制宪法争议的思考

宪法对行政区划体制的规定不可能十分详细,进一步的规定只能留给国家立法机关,国家立法机关在制定行政区划等相关法律时,应遵守一定的宪法原则,国家行政机关在进行行政区划改革时应有国家法律的授权.这就是法律保留的立宪技术及其在司法实践中发展出的宪政内涵.中国宪法有关行政区划的规定过于"硬性",在立宪技术上没有采取"法律保留",导致相关的宪法争议.     

试论我国宪法进入诉讼的必然性

在依法治国的今天 ,迫切需要将宪法引入诉讼 ,建立宪法诉讼制度 ,做到真正依法治国。宪法进入诉讼是宪法法律性的必然结果和司法实践的需要 ,是违宪审查制度建立的前提。我国宪法不进入诉讼无据可查 ,根据宪法自身的特征 ,其也具有进入诉讼的可行性。     

从《独立评论》时评看胡适的民主宪政主张——兼与《新月》时期比较

胡适关于民主宪政的系列时评构成了《独立评论》最重要的内容之一。胡适批评国民党名不副实的“训政”,从理论和实践层面上阐释宪政在中国实行的重要性、可行性和阶段性,对反对宪政的观点进行了商榷和反驳。与《新月》时期相比,胡适批评的对象有所调整,批评的锋芒有所缓和,但他反专制的精神没变,爱国立场和独立人格依旧,他始终把实行民主政治确定为刊物最重要的内容之一。     

Britain and Europe: An Unforgettable Past and an Unavoidable Future

The title of this article is taken from the opening lines of Hugo Young's brilliant history of Britain's relationship with Europe, This Blessed Plot . That book begins with a sentence that says it all: 'This is the story of 50 years in which Britain struggled to reconcile the past she could not forget with the future she could not avoid.' Those words were written in the spring of 1998. Despite the early promise of Tony Blair's European policy, little has changed since. For France and Germany, the institutions of Europe represent a uniquely successful attempt to exorcise the past. For its part, Britain lives in the shadow of its history.
The struggle to reconcile national identity with strategic interests is as acute as it has ever been. For all that Mr Blair's government has done something in recent years to make Britain's case in Europe, it has failed to make Europe's case in Britain.     

Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union: Success,Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions

ABSTRACT

Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.