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71.
Christopher Raymond 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(1):125-135
Conventional wisdom on party systems in advanced industrial democracies holds that modern electorates are dealigned and that social cleavages no longer structure party politics. Recent work on class cleavages has challenged this stylized fact. The analysis performed here extends this criticism to the religious-secular cleavage. Using path analysis and comparing the current electorates of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain with the early 1960s, this paper demonstrates that the religious-secular cleavage remains or has become a significant predictor of conservative vote choice. While the effects of the religious-secular cleavage on vote choice have become largely indirect, the total of the direct and indirect effects is substantial and equivalent to the effects of class and status. 相似文献
72.
Alex Coram 《政策研究评论》2011,28(1):49-63
This article looks at collective decisions over the limits to consumption of a private good that produces a collective bad and studies the way in which these decisions are affected by changes in the distribution of wealth. It shows that a democratic voting program reduces the maximum permissible consumption of the good, whereas a benevolent planner, and a voting program dominated by the rich, will increase this level. It also shows that, under all programs, production of the bad is driven down by increases in inequality. 相似文献
73.
74.
蔡玉胜 《江南社会学院学报》2010,12(3):35-38
实现中国城乡发展由二元结构向一体化发展的转换,必须深入研究造成这一结果的一般性和特殊性问题。马克思主义、新古典主义、发展经济学、空间主义和新发展观等理论流派对该问题的探讨从不同层面上提供了很好的思路和角度。中国从二元结构到一体化发展的特殊历程,决定了中国不能将农业和农村当作工业化的一个工具,而是必须全面彻底解决"三农"问题以及城市与乡村、经济和社会的协调发展问题。 相似文献
75.
Doubling Down: Inequality in Responsiveness and the Policy Preferences of Elected Officials
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Is bias in responsiveness to constituents conditional on the policy preferences of elected officials? The scholarly conventional wisdom is that constituency groups who do not receive policy representation still obtain some level of responsiveness by legislators outside of the policy realm. In contrast, we present a theory of preference‐induced responsiveness bias where constituency responsiveness by legislators is associated with legislator policy preferences. Elected officials who favor laws that could disproportionately impact minority groups are also less likely to engage in nonpolicy responsiveness to minority groups. We conducted a field experiment in 28 US legislative chambers. Legislators were randomly assigned to receive messages from Latino and white constituents. If legislators supported voter identification laws, Latino constituents were less likely to receive constituency communications from their legislators. There are significant implications regarding fairness in the democratic process when elected officials fail to represent disadvantaged constituency groups in both policy and nonpolicy realms. 相似文献
76.
G. Bingham Powell 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2018,43(1):21-32
Paul Warwick ( 2016 ) argues that much of the research on ideological congruence leaves the erroneous impression that a close match of median left‐right voter opinions and government ideological positions usually emerges from elections. I propose further clarifications. I offer a “natural metric” based on the average distances from the median voter of the most distant and the closest parties competing in all these countries’ elections. I suggest that by these standards average ideological congruence in the Western liberal democracies in the last 20 years has been fairly successful, but not as successful as it could be. 相似文献
77.
Sarah Bütikofer 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(3):295-322
Most research on roll call votes considers each voting decision by members of parliament (MPs) as an independent observation. Only recently have scholars (for example, Clinton, 2012, American Journal of Political Science, 56, 355–372; Clinton & Meirowitz, 2004, American Journal of Political Science, 48, 675–689) started to assess how knowledge about the sequence of votes may help us to understand the legislative process in more detail. Many of these analyses are, however, predicated on quite important assumptions regarding the forward-looking capacities of MPs. In this paper, this more recent literature is drawn on and brought to bear on an analysis of two bills adopted in the Swiss parliament. Having detailed information available on MPs’ preferences over various options voted upon, it is possible to test whether MPs behave strategically, and to what degree they are capable of anticipating the way forward through the agenda tree. Evidence is found that MPs behave strategically, but their foresight is not as perfect as one would expect from theoretical models. 相似文献
78.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(2-3):141-158
Abstract Political parties, and more specifically public interest groups, budget extensive amounts of time and money to use celebrity endorsers for their candidate. Do celebrities bring forth enough value to warrant the time, effort, and money expended to make their endorsements public? Using a sample of first-time voters from the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election, the authors examine the extent to which celebrities influence voting while specifically assessing whether celebrity influence is greater for Republicans or Democrats. Implications and recommendations for future research are discussed. 相似文献
79.
郏红雯 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2013,(4):121-127,133
在对学科和公安学科建设简要分析的基础上,阐释了公安学科建设与公安实战协调发展的意义,即公安学科自身建设与发展的需要以及公安实战工作的现实诉求。进而提出了以科研为载体、改革学科、专业及课程设置、优化师资、明确人才培养模式、创新机制等加强公安学科建设与公安实战协调发展的有关建议。 相似文献
80.
The real test of the British Labour Party's new orientation to Europe will be its policy on economic and monetary union (EMU). This article analyses Labours political economy in relation to European integration and to the management of the currency, and how the intersection of these two have produced four distinctive approaches to EMU within the party. It assesses the stance of new Labour towards EMU in the context of this internal Labour Party debate as well as in the wider context of European social democracy. 相似文献