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21.
我国区域立法应定位为介于中央与地方立法之间的又主要依托于地方立法的、涵盖社会生活各个方面的特殊立法形式。区域立法主要由主体、权限、程序和协调机制四个基本要素构成。以区域立法为视角观察,当前我国中央与地方立法关系存在许多问题,如中央立法过于集权却未形成足够的权威、地方立法权配置失衡以及中央与地方立法权运作缺乏完善的协调机制。区域立法对于调谐我国中央与地方立法关系有着特殊而重要的意义。  相似文献   
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当前,流域水资源消费负外部性问题愈益尖锐,现实症结应在于流域政府纷纷实施了地方保护的策略选择,体现为一种政府外部性,其衍生的根由则在于流域政府权力产权界定不清导致了相互间正交易成本的出现.根据新制度经济学相关启示,须建构流域政府间横向协调机制,从而规范流域政府各自权力产权,降低因相互摩擦所引发的交易成本,由此即可以减少或消除此种政府外部性,最终求解流域水资源消费负外部性问题.由于反复博弈模型和制度主义的援证,公民退出选择与呼吁力量的驱动以及流域公共利益观念凸显和官员的理性自觉,流域政府间横向协调机制之建构成为可能.而其主要类型的界分则同样可以受新制度经济学启发并吻合治理的行动逻辑,进而区分为科层机制、市场机制和府际治理机制等三种,它们相互存在替代性但更应实现有机的结合.  相似文献   
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政府协调:解决部门权限冲突的另一条思路   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
协调各部门间的权限冲突是各级人民政府的一项基本职责。西方国家与大部制改革相配套的是通过提高行政首长的地位,配置总理(首相或总统)的办事机构来协调各部门之间的关系,以达到行政和谐。新一轮机构改革在精简议事协调机构的同时,应设立政府办事机构加强对各职能部门权限争议的协调。  相似文献   
24.
The Indo-Pacific region's security landscape is unfolding in highly uncertain and potentially explosive ways. The postwar American-led network of bilateral alliances – underpinned by concrete guarantees of extended deterrence and containment – is now yielding to a more diverse set of alignments and coalitions to manage an increasingly complex array of regional security issues. Multilateralism and minilateralism have emerged as two increasingly prominent forms of such cooperation. Minilateralism's informality and flexibility appeals to those who are sceptical about multilateralism's traditional focus on norm adherence and community-building even as great power competition in the Indo-Pacific is sharply intensifying. However, minilateralism's track record in the region is underdeveloped. The potential for this policy approach to be applied by the United States and its regional security partners as an enduring and credible means of diplomatic and security collaboration in the region will remain unfulfilled as long as the Trump administration's own geopolitical orientation remains uncertain.  相似文献   
25.
检察院的抗诉监督和法院的审判独立均是中国司法体制的重要组成部分,二者互为损益,存在不可避免的冲突关系。检察院与法院从维护和扩张本部门权益的角度出发,在此问题上形成相互对立的观点。其实抗诉监督与审判独立二者之间存在内在的一致性,这也是二者得以和谐共存的基础。我国人民代表大会制度决定了审判独立必然需要接受检察监督。但检察监督对审判权实施监督是有限度的,即抗诉监督不得损害审判独立。  相似文献   
26.
In 2017, AFCC President Annette Burns (2017–18) commissioned a Task Force, led by Dr. Debra Carter, to review the many changes and developments in parenting coordination that had occurred across the United States, in Canada, and across the world in the approximately 12 years since the 2005 Parenting Coordination Guidelines were released. Though primarily commissioned to update and revise the 2005 Guidelines, the Task Force also identified emerging issues in need of exploration – the use of technology in parenting coordination, parenting coordination as an intervention when intimate partner violence is a component of the dynamic, the importance of multicultural awareness and responsiveness, and the overall impact of the statutes, rules, and regulations that had evolved in significantly varying forms since parenting coordination first presented as an intervention for court‐involved families. The work of the Task Force, including the new (2019) Guidelines for Parenting Coordination, is presented.  相似文献   
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The emergence of innovative family and child protection dispute resolution (DR) methods has resulted in a varying array of communication protections. Review of these communication protections in the United States reveals a lack of consistency and clarity within each form of DR, and no clear policy to guide the development of the different communication protections across the spectrum of DR methods. This article proposes a new term, privadentiality, to describe communication protections which may be provided for a wide range of DR methods and a framework for categorizing DR methods in order to develop more consistent and appropriate communication protections across the spectrum of DR. This article concludes with recommendations to improve party and professional understanding of DR communication protections; protect families from escalating conflict; promote the integrity of DR methods; and enable courts to appropriately review and, where appropriate, approve DR outcomes.  相似文献   
30.
This article examines the forces shaping changes in the number of parties between consecutive elections. We argue that the transaction costs in electoral coordination depend on the turnout level in the previous election. The greater the number of peripheral voters entering the electorate, the less likely a substantial change in the distribution of partisan support in the subsequent election. The argument is tested using data for 313 parliamentary elections in 63 countries from 1990 to 2011, and two cases studies of countries using compulsory voting (the Netherlands and Australia).  相似文献   
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