The ‘Othering’ of ‘Red Ed’, or How the Daily Mail ‘Framed’ the British Labour Leader

This article takes as its starting point the attack on the late Ralph Miliband, the left‐wing intellectual and father of the current Labour leader Ed Miliband, by the Daily Mail in late 2013. It argues that this attack was a response by the Mail to its failed campaign to dub the Labour leader ‘Red Ed’. The article demonstrates that ever since Miliband won the Labour leadership in 2009, the Mail has sought to ‘other’ him by presenting him as ‘alien’—this by constant references to his Jewish background, his upbringing in a wealthy North London intellectual milieu, his supposed extreme left‐wing views and his ineffable ‘oddness’—at least, an oddness as characterised by the newspaper. The paper will conclude by asking why the Daily Mail's ‘Red Ed’ moniker failed to catch on, while noting that their ‘Odd Ed’ moniker seems to have had more resonance.     

《闲情偶寄》乌江南文化的审美情调

南北文化之差异主要表现在审美主义和实用主义生活方式的对立上。具体说来 ,北方文化的最高理念是“先质而后文”。尽管它对物质基础的强调是正确的 ,但另一方面却剥夺了生命在艰难时世中升华生活和艺术化人生的可能。与北方文化相比 ,江南文化的要义在于一种有精神品位的日常生活方式。南方人的生活理念类似于功利主义伦理学 ,充满了一种在既有条件下追求“更大的善”的精明意识。在如何提高生活质量的当代 ,以李渔为最高代表的南方生活理念 ,应该成为一种最重要的古典人文精神资源     

Precarity and Political Immobilisation: Migrants from Burma in Chiang Mai,Thailand

An estimated 1.5 million citizens of Burma reside as refugees or migrants in Thailand, where harsh treatment, harassment and social stigmas contribute to a climate of precarity. Although one possible course of action for any community under strain is political mobilisation, for migrants from Burma in the northern city of Chiang Mai, high degrees of exploitation and insecurity have generated an overwhelming disinterest in political issues. The article examines this relationship in five main sections. The first presents the two key concepts that structure the analysis: precarity and political mobilisation. The second examines the context of migration from Burma to Thailand, focusing both on the climate of unrest found in much of Burma and on Thailand's treatment of migrant workers, its non-participation in core international legislation and its sub-standard migrant registration system. The third explains how this study of Burmese migrants in Chiang Mai was undertaken and reviews the ethical considerations required in a study of vulnerable groups. The fourth documents the study's findings and presents migrants' testimony. The fifth seeks to explain the link between precarity and political passivity in this case, and considers the wider implications. The concluding section restates the core finding.     

The Strange Birth of Middle England

This article investigates the political meanings of a now ubiquitous media term 'middle England'. It explores its origins in the historical idea of the middle classes as politically moderate, beleaguered and put-upon; and more recently in a neo-conservative, anti-elitist populism, which aims to short-circuit traditional political processes and speak directly to a nominally homogeneous, but actually carefully targeted, 'people'. It argues that the concept of 'middle England' reached full political maturity in the 1990s when increasingly slick party machines began to articulate and exploit these ideas through private polling and focus groups which concentrated on crucial swing voters. 'Middle England' is a product of the increasingly close, but fractious, relationship between these party machines and influential tabloid newspapers, particularly the Daily Mail .     

ChinaDaily新闻标题的语用功能及翻译策略

ChinaDaily新闻标题具有简明扼要的特点，译者在翻译新闻标题时，既要遵循新闻标题的特点，也要体现其语用功能，并巧妙地运用翻译策略，才能实现信息的等值、有效传递。。     

Is the Dearth of Young Rural Labor Worrisome?

正Dear Readers,Forum is a column that provides a space for varying perspectives on contemporary Chinese society.We invite you to submit personal viewpoints on past and current topics(in either English or Chinese).yanwei@bjreview.com Please provide your name and address along with your comments Recently,a study by the Beijing-based Economic Information Daily found that in many Chinese provinces—such as Jiangxi,Anhui,Sichuan and Hubei—there are few young people to be seen in rural areas.     

中国媒体关于姚明的对外报道实证分析——以China Daily为例

本文运用内容分析法,对China Daily2002--2008年关于姚明的新闻报道进行实证分析,得出如下结论:1.新闻数量逐年稳定增长,只有2004年例外,该年报道数量在前后两年范围内形成了一个峰值;2.报道形式从纯文字向图、文并茂过度,篇幅趋于适中,内容更加关注姚明自身.在此基础上,提出三点建议措施:1.新闻数量、篇幅必须控制在适度范围内;2.新闻报道应广泛采用图、文结合的方式;3.注意宣传技巧的合理使用.     

East Asian financial regionalism: why economic enhancements undermine political sustainability

East Asian financial regionalism was born in response to the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997–1998. The centrepiece of financial regionalism was the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), an emergency liquidity mechanism created by the ASEAN+3. It embodied both a clear interpretation of what had gone wrong in 1997–1998 and an understanding of the need for institutions that would be politically viable despite Sino-Japanese rivalry. Enforcement under CMI relied on the ‘IMF link’ – release of funds would be predicated on crisis countries' initiating negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as a means of reducing moral hazard, enforcing conditionality and diverting blame from the leading creditors, Japan and China. The global financial crisis of 2008–2010 and the eurozone crisis that followed have inspired important changes meant to address CMI's economic gaps, including accelerated adoption of ‘CMI Multilateralization’ (CMIM), the creation of a new surveillance unit (ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Organization, or AMRO), and the establishment of a new precautionary line. Many observers have remarked that these developments weaken the IMF link, which had effectively subordinated CMI to the IMF. While the moves appear to demonstrate a more confident, autonomous regionalism and a relative devaluation of the US-dominated global financial institutions, this paper argues that in fact, the ASEAN+3 states have again unearthed the underlying politics of divided leadership and mutual suspicion. CMIM is now threatened by the renewed potential for internal divisions. Further complicating the picture, both China and Japan have recently established large bilateral swap lines outside of the CMIM framework with several of their ASEAN+3 partners, raising the question of whether CMIM is moving towards political irrelevance even as it has arrived at a high water mark in its institutional development.     

韩国报刊媒体对清末新政的观察与反应——以《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》为例

在近代东亚政局变动的过程中,清末新政始终是韩国报刊媒体关注的重要对象。《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》有大量的相关报道,并时常发表颇有针对性的评论文字。这些报道与评论,具体涉及清末新政不断展开的各个方面及其整个过程,虽然难免偏差之处,但尚不难看出清末新政的整体概貌。通观《皇城新闻》与《大韩每日申报》对清末新政的报道与评论,可见在大韩帝国时期,韩国报刊媒体对中国的认识尚不失客观、理性和正面评价。韩国报刊媒体既有对清朝政治腐败的批判,更有对清朝命运与前途的同情与期望。韩国报刊媒体关注清末新政,在某种意义上可以说,其主要目的是在于对韩国自身的反省。这种反省,既看到了韩国政府与社会的种种问题,也试图为解决这些问题借鉴一些域外的经验与教训,同时还对韩国的振兴充满着期待与希望。虽然这些并没有从根本上改变韩国被日本并吞的命运,但在一定程度上为近代韩国的启蒙思想提供了精神养料,并带来了一定的信心与希望。     

重释恩格斯《家庭、私有制和国家的起源》——回应麦金侬《对马克思和恩格斯的女权主义批评》

麦金侬作为西方女权主义者,对马克思恩格斯尤其对恩格斯的<家庭、私有制和国家的起源>中关于妇女的论述进行了批评.本文试图针对麦金侬的批评来重读<起源>,同时把最新的性别研究成果纳入进来,以丰富和发展马克思主义的妇女理论.