Democratic innovation beyond deliberative reflection: the plebiscitary rebound and the advent of action-oriented democracy

This article investigates democratic innovations of a plebiscitary and action-oriented type that diverge from a predominantly transformative and reflective definition of democratic innovation. Conceptually, the article offers a balanced, extended framework that serves to recognize and understand a range of democratic innovations that includes non-deliberative besides deliberative models and methods. Empirically, the article offers a closer look at three exemplary cases focusing on the rebound of aggregative democracy through the (quasi-)referendum, the advent of collaborative democratic governance through concerted action, and of do-it-ourselves democracy through pragmatic activism. Ultimately, the article calls for a practice and theory of democratic innovation aware of and sensitive to the reality of democratic hybridization.     

The legislature and agenda politics of social welfare: a comparative analysis of authoritarian and democratic regimes in South Korea

The article mainly seeks to explain the legislature’s preferences in social welfare before and after democratization using South Korea as a case study. Based on an original dataset that consists of all executive and of legislative branch-submitted bills between 1948 and 2016 – roughly 60,000– legislative priority on social welfare is compared over time, and tested using logistic regressions. The key focus of analysis is whether and how the level of democracy affected the degree and universality of social welfare priority. The findings show that the promotion of social welfare is positively related to higher levels of democracy in a continuous fashion, which clearly points to the need to avoid applying a simple regime dichotomy – authoritarian or democratic – when seeking to understand social welfare development. Going further, the article examines the legislature's priority in welfare issues within a presidential structure and under majoritarian electoral rule, at different levels of democracy. The result shows that the higher levels of democracy are, the more the legislative branch contributes to the overall salience of social welfare legislative initiatives as compared to the executive branch. Moreover, the legislative branch itself prioritizes a social welfare agenda – alongside democratic deepening – over other issues.     

An Exploratory Examination of a Gendered Model of the Effects of Role Stressors

A gendered model of the effects of role stressors on job stress, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment was tested. Ordinary least squares regression analysis of survey data from correctional staff provided partial support for the proposition that men and women perceive and respond to the work environment differently. Work–family conflict was found to influence levels of job stress, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment among women but not among men. Conversely, role ambiguity, role overload, and perceived dangerousness influenced levels of job stress for men but not women. Furthermore, levels of role conflict and role ambiguity influenced levels of job satisfaction for men but not for women. These findings lend support to further development of gendered theoretical models.     

Not all election winners are equal: Satisfaction with democracy and the nature of the vote

It is well known that individuals who voted for the winning party in an election tend to be more satisfied with democracy than those who did not. However, many winners deviate from their first choice when voting. It is argued in this article that the mechanisms that engender satisfaction operate less forcefully among such winners, thereby lessening the impact of victory on satisfaction. Results show that the gap in satisfaction over electoral losers among these ‘non‐optimal winners’ is, in fact, much smaller than that of ‘optimal winners’, who voted in line with their expressed preferences. A win matters more for those who have a bigger stake in victory. The article further explores how the effect of optimal victory on satisfaction varies across electoral systems.     

发挥民主党派对权力运行的监督作用

民主党派对共产党的权力运行进行监督既是民主党派的重要职能,也是多党合作的重要形式。针对民主党派对权力运行监督中存在的主要问题,我们要提高民主党派的政党意识,健全对权力运行的监督机制,增加民主党派担任实职的机会。只有充分发挥民主党派对权力运行的监督作用,才能让权力在阳光下运行,才能正确用好权力这把"双刃剑"。     

当代青年满意度的初步研究——以陕西青年为例

通过对陕西4567名青年进行16项满意度的问卷调查,结果显示:陕西青年的满意度总体较低,不同区域、性别、学历的青年在满意度的各项指标上存在显著性差异。从区域上看,陕北的青年满意度较高;从性别上看,女性的满意度较高;从学历上看,学历水平的高低与满意度不成正相关。文章根据调查结果提出了思考与建议。     

基于ACSI模型的陕西公共交通满意度问题研究

依据ACSI模型(美国顾客满意度指数)对陕西交通服务的顾客满意度进行分析。首先运用模糊综合评判法对问卷调查的数据进行处理,得出影响顾客满意度的各评价指标的分值,接着应用SPSS软件分析影响顾客满意度的各因素的相关性,得出回归方程,最终计算出陕西省交通服务的顾客满意度值,以此为相关部门制定交通发展规划和相关管理政策提供科学依据。关于ACSI模型的研究方法和结论对其他省份交通部门,也具有一定的借鉴意义。     

Associations among Overt and Relational Victimization and Adolescents’ Satisfaction with Friends: The Moderating Role of the Need for Affective Relationships with Friends

In this study, we analyzed the relationships among overt and relational victimization and adolescents’ satisfaction with friends. We also tested the influence of the need for affective relationships with friends. A total of 409 Italian adolescent boys and girls (age range = 14–16, M = 15.02 years, SD = 2.58) completed a self-report measure of overt and relational victimization, a measure of satisfaction with friends, and a scale to assess the individual need for affective relationships. A negative association between both forms of victimization and levels of satisfaction with friends was found. As hypothesized, the need for affective relationships with friends moderated the relation between relational, but not overt, victimization and satisfaction with friends: Adolescents who reported more need for affective relationships reported the lowest levels of satisfaction when relationally victimized.

关于长春市职工工作满意度的调查

工作满意度表达着人们对工作状况的自我感受,与职业变动、社会流动有一定的关联,可以成为测量社会流动的一个指标。调查发现,目前长春市职工的工作满意度并不是很高,得分仅为3．22。提高职工的工作满意度。必须做好多方面的工作,对此本提出了相应的建议。     

浅谈社会主义市场经济下的职工民主管理

职工民主管理是社会主义市场经济的内在要求和职工主人翁地位的体现。职工代表大会仍然是职工民主管理的基本形式,但需要在组织形式,职权范围、工作内容等方面进行调整和充实完善。