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221.
222.
Eric?G.?LambertEmail author Terry?Cluse-Tolar Sudershan?Pasupuleti Daniel?E.?Hall Morris?Jenkins 《Social Justice Research》2005,18(4):411-427
The concepts of fairness and justice are embodied within the organizing principle of social justice. Although social justice
is a primary focus of social work, social service workers are not always treated with fairness by their own employers. The
results from a survey of 255 social service employees from a variety of agencies in Northwest Ohio indicate that distributive
justice and procedural justice, two dimensions of organizational justice, are both significant predictors of job satisfaction
and organizational commitment, with procedural justice having two to three times the impact of distributive justice. 相似文献
223.
刘廷友 《江南社会学院学报》2005,7(2):53-58
"仇和现象"引发了人们对个性化执政的思考.个性化执政是国家的大政方针与当地具体实际的最佳结合,是领导者个人主动性和创造性的高度发挥,是领导者的领导活动富有魅力和特色,是领导者大有作为创造出为老百姓称道的实绩,是领导者对人民竭忠尽智的无私奉献.我们这个时代呼唤个性化执政,同时为个性化执政提供了广阔的生存空间.个性化执政是提高党的执政能力的内在要求,是执政能力建设的一种趋势和方向.个性化执政符合社会主义民主政治和公众的要求.我们不能简单化地将个性化执政理解为人治,个性化执政恰恰是通向法治的必经之途. 相似文献
224.
Joseph R.A. Ayee 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(3):311-330
Ghana went to presidential and parliamentary polls on 7 December 2016, leading to the defeat of President John Mahama and the National Democratic Congress government by the opposition, the New Patriotic Party led by Nana Akufo-Addo. The outcome of the elections therefore followed in the same vein as those held in Ghana in 2000 and 2008, in which the incumbent party lost to the opposition. This article is based on a desk study review of the 2016 elections. There is a brief overview of the state of affairs in Ghana's electoral politics, followed by a discussion of Ghana's electoral reforms, the organisation and management of the elections, the candidates and the campaigns, and the outcome of the elections, as well as some of the challenges that faced the transition process. 相似文献
225.
This research reexamined the previously established relation between allocation of resources and satisfaction in close relationships. Using self-report data from two different samples, undergraduate students and married couples, we replicated and extended the procedure employed in past studies to assess the relative strength of equity, equality, and own outcomes as predictors of relationship satisfaction. As expected the two samples differed in the relative strength of the correlates of satisfaction. The married couples revealed different predictors of satisfaction depending upon which of two forms their relationship had taken. Those who reported being in an identity (communal) relationship were most satisfied when they provided high inputs to enhance their partner's outcomes, whereas those in an exchange relation were more responsive to the outcomes they received. The dating students, whether they reported being in an identity or exchange relation, were most satisfied when their own outcomes were maximized. The results also suggested methodological limitations in the earlier studies that had compared the relative association with satisfaction of an unreliable measure of equity with minimal variance and a highly reliable measure of outcomes with considerably greater variance. The previously established strong association between the person's satisfaction and their own outcomes in a close relationship was found to be dependent upon the nature of the sample and the relative reliability of the correlates employed in the regression analyses. 相似文献
226.
Sadiki Koko 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2016,23(4):521-540
This article analyses the transformation of two former Congolese rebel groups, namely the Congolese Rally for Democracy–Goma (RCD-Goma) and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), into political parties following the conclusion of the Second Congo War (1998–2003) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is argued that three sets of factors influenced the process of the political transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC. These factors related to the stabilisation process that unfolded in the country starting with the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement in July 1999, the make-up and the behaviour of the rebel groups involved as well as changes in international politics, especially the advent of the Bush administration to power in the United States in January 2001, which led to increased international pressure on Rwanda and Uganda to desist from interfering in Congolese internal affairs and the strengthening of the United Nations' peace efforts in the DRC. 相似文献
227.
This study was conducted to evaluate parental satisfaction and acceptability of Project SafeCare, an intensive parent training program to prevent and treat child abuse and neglect with a focus on three areas of intervention: (1) home safety, (2) infant and child health care, and (3) bonding and stimulation. Social validation questionnaires were employed to evaluate the acceptability, the effectiveness, and the outcome of treatments based on parents' perspectives. The questionnaires were divided into four categories: outcome measures, process and procedures, staff performance, and training modes. Overall, Project SafeCare was reported to be very successful and parents reported high satisfaction with all three training programs. Parents rated the procedures, staff, and outcomes very positively. Although parents liked the videos and rated them positively, they seemed to prefer training by counselors to training by video. Data were collected on 45 families and the training was conducted over 15 weeks. 相似文献
228.
向长艳 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2011,(4):91-94
新闻自由是言论自由在新闻传播领域的体现,是传统的言论自由、出版自由的延伸和发展。新闻自由权的权利主体包括新闻媒体和公民。天赋人权是一切人权理念的真谛,自然权利是新闻自由权最原始的权利基础;人性尊严是新闻自由作为个体性权利基础;新闻自由作为一种民主权利则演绎的是公民及媒体对监督政府而产生的制度性权利基础。 相似文献
229.
冷战后瑞典社会民主党在政坛上走出了一条“低落——回归——高涨——低落”的“n”字形沉浮轨迹,这一沉浮轨迹的出现既有政治、经济方面的原因,也有科技和社会的原因。执政党在执政时期必须在协调经济社会全面发展的同时关注社会公平、正义和失业等社会问题,必须注重自身建设,必须坚持改革创新,在实践基础上不断进行理论创新和实践创新,使党的路线、方针、政策和行动纲领能更好地满足民众的愿望和要求。 相似文献
230.
《甘肃行政学院学报》2011,(4)
In the period of new democratic revolution, the national strategy of CCP and the atomically social structure commonly molded the party-army propaganda mechanism. Compared with other types of propaganda mechanism, the party-army propaganda mechanism has some unique characteristics, which embody in "centralization and decentralization" in the information input, "audience-oriented" in the information interchange, and "dispersion" in the information output. The party-army propaganda mechanism set up the CCP leadership in the new democratic revolution. 相似文献