发挥高等院校二级教代会的作用是加强基层民主政治建设的保证

逐步完善二级教代会制度,是新形势下高教内部体制改革的新课题,也是把高校社会主义民主建设引向深入的重要环节。     

电商企业大学生兼职状况及其影响探析

大学生兼职是当前高校校园的普遍现象,但社会各界对此褒贬不一.通过对某电商企业兼职大学生的调查发现,兼职大学生工作满意度较高,但兼职对在校成绩、人际沟通能力有一定影响.反映大学生兼职对其自身发展的利弊.     

Democracy Without Parties? Italy After Berlusconi

This article looks at the legacy of ‘Berlusconism’ for Italian politics. On the right, we identify a process of fragmentation. As a result of the personalised leadership of Silvio Berlusconi, where loyalties and ties were to il cavaliere as an individual rather than to a party or a political tradition, there is little by way of legacy on the right. Surprisingly, we find that Berlusconi's greatest legacy lies on the left of Italian politics, in the figure of Matteo Renzi. In his savvy manipulation of the media and in the careful construction of his own image, accompanied by a non‐ideological set of political slogans, Renzi has gone even further than Berlusconi. As a result, he may be the one to final bury Italian ‘party government’ and all its associated traditions and ideals.     

全面薪酬满意度能提高零售企业员工工作绩效吗？

以 C 超市员工为样本,探讨全面薪酬满意度的测量及其对工作绩效的影响,以及员工敬业度的 中介作用和全面薪酬沟通的调节作用。研究表明,零售企业全面薪酬满意度由薪酬、职业发展机会、绩效认可、 工作 - 生活平衡和福利满意度五个维度组成;其中,绩效认可、工作 - 生活平衡满意度对工作绩效有显著正向 影响,而薪酬、职业发展机会和福利满意度对工作绩效没有显著影响。同时,全面薪酬满意度五个维度对员工 敬业度均有显著正向影响,而绩效认可、工作 - 生活平衡满意度又通过员工敬业度,对工作绩效产生了影响。 再者,全面薪酬沟通正向调节了绩效认可、工作 - 生活平衡和福利满意度对员工敬业度的影响,也正向调节了 员工敬业度在绩效认可、工作 - 生活平衡、福利满意度与工作绩效之间的中介效应,即全面薪酬沟通程度越高, 员工敬业度的中介作用越强。     

中国政府雇员制下的工作满意度分析——基于对上海市公安文职人员调查的实证研究

自政府雇员制在我国施行以来,学界对其在实践中所出现的问题进行了大量的讨论。但这些讨论大都缺少实证材料支撑。本文在对上海市公安文职制度调查的基础上,建立了关于公安文职人员工作满意度的回归模型。用以分析影响政府雇员制的诸多因素。模型结果表明：雇员工作的制度设置、薪酬设定、晋升制度以及与公务员的待遇差距等因素影响工作满意度的变量显著。因此,在提高政府雇员制功效的问题上。应主要改善这些受到显著影响的制度设置,以提高雇员工作满意度。进而保障政府雇员制功能的发挥和高效运行。     

How Creating Semiautonomous Agencies Affects Staff Satisfaction

Abstract

Structural reforms such as the creation of autonomous agencies are a widely heralded solution for a multitude of problems in the public sector. These reforms have effects on public employees. This article shows how the structural disaggregation of ministries into autonomous agencies affects staff satisfaction with the organization. The article discusses three cases, where Dutch public organizations were either disaggregated from a ministry or reaggregated to the ministry. These structural reforms constitute a quasiexperimental setting where effects on agency staff and parent ministry staff are compared. In one case, creating the agency led to a decrease in staff satisfaction with the organization as compared to the staff that remained within the ministry. A second case showed that these negative effects linger and can last for more than eight years. An inverse organizational change—reaggregation—caused inverse effects: increasing satisfaction with the organization.     

Questions of Research Design in Developing New Tests of the Democratic Peace

We argue that the prevailing dyad-year research design employed in quantitative tests of the theoretical literature on the democratic peace suffers from several limitations. We propose an alternative research design that focuses on three different stages or "games" that typically emerge in the evolution of international disputes over time. In this type of research design the units of observation are the policy choices of "challenger" and "target" states in each of these three games. We argue that this alternative research design has several advantages, such as requiring researchers to test a more complete and extensive set of hypotheses as well as helping them to address statistical issues related to strategic behavior and selection effects.     

Disaggregating the Incentives of Conflict Management: An Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to develop a formal model of the arms export process that incorporates the complementary ideas of a fuzzy decision‐making goal and a fuzzy decision‐making constraint. The model is formulated as a control problem: The decision‐making actor—in this case, a hegemonic exporter—will attempt to control the evolution of its political relationship with a prospective importer by choosing, over time, a sequence of arms transfer strategies. The exporter's strategic choices will be influenced by its fuzzy goal (a fuzzy set of political relations outcomes between the two states that the exporter seeks to maximize) and its fuzzy constraint (a fuzzy set of arms options that the exporter is constrained to choose by virtue of the preferences of the importer's neighbors). The solution to the control problem is the exporter's optimal policy sequence, and this is uncovered via the dynamic programming optimization technique. The model is illustrated by the multistage decision‐making of the U.S. for Egypt in the years 1968–1971 and 1974–1977.     

论"反美主义"的客观现实根源

当前在整个世界蔓延的"反美主义"作为一种客观现象已引起美国甚至整个西方理论界的普遍关注和争论.但美国国内大多数政客和理论家仍然在"反美主义"形成的原因问题上制造种种偏执的理论来误导美国民众和国际舆论.这不仅不利于美国自身的反省,也元助于美国化解由于它自身的错误而导致的遍及世界的反美情绪.笔者在此对"反美主义"形成的历史和客观现实根源作一番分析,以澄清事实的本来面目.     

Can't get no satisfaction with the Westminster model? Winners,losers and the effects of consensual and direct democratic institutions on satisfaction with democracy

Are citizens in consensus democracies with developed direct democratic institutions more satisfied with their political system than those in majoritarian democracies? In this article, individual‐level data from the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and an updated version of Lijphart's multivariate measure of consensus and majoritarian democracy covering 24 countries are used to investigate this question. The findings from logistic multilevel models indicate that consensual cabinet types and direct democratic institutions are associated with higher levels of citizens' satisfaction with democracy. Furthermore, consensus democracy in these institutions closes the gap in satisfaction with democracy between losers and winners of elections by both comforting losers and reducing the satisfaction of winners. Simultaneously, consensus democracy in terms of electoral rules, the executive–legislative power balance, interest groups and the party system reduces the satisfaction of election winners, but does not enhance that of losers.