The Downsian roots of affective polarization

A growing literature studies the relationship between ideological and affective polarization. By taking a Downsian approach to affective polarization we contribute to this literature and demonstrating that affective polarization is driven by congruence between citizens and their party, relative to other parties, in the general liberal-conservative space and across a host of salient issue domains. We find robust support for our theory using individual-level national election survey data from the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Finland. Moreover, we find that ideological differences inform affective polarization independently from partisan identifications and that they drive more out-party animosity than in-party affinity. These findings have implications towards a more unified understanding of the citizen determinants of affective polarization and the role ideology plays in shaping the views held by partisans across democracies.     

Does e-service quality of online grievance redress portals lead to satisfaction? An outlook from the perspectives of Indian youth

In a democratic country like India, citizens expect quality public services, from the government. The information technology-enabled versions of public services cannot be an exception. In order to develop strategies leading to increasing levels of satisfaction of the citizens, the quality of the services should be analyzed. For efficient and effective public service delivery, many countries all over the world attempt to develop the transparent and accountable online system to bring the citizen's faith in governance. The present study attempts to check that does the e-service quality of the online grievance redress portal satisfy the student users. Dimensions and construct of the proposed model were extracted from literature, a survey was conducted by employing a questionnaire, soliciting inputs from 677 respondents. Partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) modeling was used to drive the results. Results indicates that security and privacy, is the utmost significant dimensions for student satisfaction as it helps to develop trust in the online e-governance system to bring satisfaction that increases the usage of the grievance portal It is followed by reliability and delivery of quality of information. The demographic variable, gender observed to be not having a significant relationship with the students' satisfaction concerning e-government services. The limitations and future research scope of the study are also presented.     

中国西藏百万农奴解放与美国解放黑奴运动之比较

50年前,西藏通过开展民主改革,彻底废除了农奴制,解放了百万农奴。一直在"西藏问题"上采取双重标准的美国历史上也曾经开展过废奴运动——解放黑人农奴运动。把中国西藏百万农奴解放与美国解放黑奴运动的废奴前社会状况、废奴动因、废奴过程、废奴性质与彻底性进行全方位比较,有助于深刻理解西藏民主改革的重大历史意义并认清美国在西藏问题上的立场。     

Legislative strength and democratic satisfaction in presidential democracies

The gap between electoral winners and losers in democratic satisfaction has been well documented in the literature. Scholars further argue that in consensual systems, where the institutional design involves more power sharing, the winner-loser gap is smaller than in majoritarian systems. However, how the powers of legislatures, the primary national-level agency to impose restraints on the executive, affect the winner-loser gap has not been thoroughly studied. Utilizing data of 29 countries in the world over ten years, this paper verifies that in presidential democracies, when legislatures have more oversight power, the winner-loser gap in satisfaction tends to be reduced. The relationships are particularly evident when opposition parties have distinct policy platforms, as these oppositions are better able to utilize the legislative arena to voice their positions. Furthermore, the effect of legislative strength on losers’ consent is more pronounced among voters who are more interested in politics.     

Candidate authenticity and the Iowa Caucus

Candidate ‘authenticity’ has become a frequent explanation of electoral performance. Yet its study in electoral research has been largely neglected. Building on recent work, we test its relationship with candidate support in the 2020 Iowa Democratic Caucus through a survey of likely Caucus goers. The Caucus offers an ideal setting — a contest focused on candidates and their personalities, in a context having far-reaching political implications. We demonstrate that authenticity perceptions played an important role in individual vote intentions. Indeed, for Biden and Buttigieg perceptions of their authenticity were strongly associated with vote intention even when controlling for other established traits. Warren, unlike the others, benefited indirectly, because her authenticity triggered substantial support among female voters. The performance of the authenticity trait, direct and indirect, points to its pivotal potential in the 2020 presidential campaign.     

Having a say or getting your way? Political choice and satisfaction with democracy

Citizen satisfaction with democracy is greater when parties offer choices that are congruent with voter preferences. But are citizens content with simply having a party that represents their views or does their satisfaction depend on whether that party can also be instrumental in implementing policies? We argue that instrumentality moderates the effect of ideological congruence on democratic satisfaction. Combining an analysis of cross-national survey data with an experimental conjoint design, we find that citizens able to vote for a congruent party with a chance of entering government are more satisfied with democracy, whereas congruence without instrumentality has no such effect.     

国民政府十年(1939-1949)基层民意机关建设数量分析

1939年,为摆脱内忧外患的困境,国民政府重拾地方自治,推行新县制.在县及县级以下设立基层民意机关,然而,从1942、1944、1947年三个典型时间阶段看,稍能体现民主性质、国民政府又三令五申、倾力打造的基层民意机关并没有如期建立,这就使民主政治丧失了基本的组织基础.因此,所谓地方自治只能是无法实现的虚幻梦想了.     

民主政治、民众心理与两次世界大战间欧洲国际秩序的解体

民主政治的核心原则是主权在民,即人民有权定期地、公开地投票决定重大事务或选举国家官员。在这一制度原则下,多数民众所持有的一致性的心理认识对民主国家的对内及对外政策具有极强的形塑作用。两次世界大战间的欧洲主要大国均是实行民主政治制度。在这段时期,英、法两国民众的和平主义情绪通过民主政治过程的作用,使两国的对德政策表现出”绥靖”的特征。而德国民众的复仇主义情绪则使希特勒在民主选举中成功当选,并使德国的对外政策向改变既有秩序的方向彻底转变。和平主义情绪和复仇主义情绪经过民主政治过程的相互作用,最终导致了两次世界大战间欧洲国际秩序的解体。     

The in-between: Local civil society organizations and their community-based structures in South Kivu,the Democratic Republic of the Congo

This article examines the relationship between local civil society organizations and community-based structures in peacebuilding interventions in South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It observes that elite led organizations in the provincial capital rely on information provided by the members of multiple community-based structures in order identify local needs which are addressed through their peacebuilding efforts. Further, it argues that the relationship between these two actors present both groups with the legitimacy to undertake peacebuilding activities at the community and provincial level. It argues that local civil society organizations rely on their relationship with community-based structures which they establish and support in order to develop locally grounded peacebuilding interventions and gain the legitimacy necessary to gain access to international funding and implement their programmes in targeted communities in South Kivu province.     

The Isolated Islamists: The Case of the Allied Democratic Forces in the Ugandan-Congolese Borderland

This study investigates the absence of substantive linkages between locally based Salafi Jihadist movements and their more transnational counterparts such as Al-Qaeda or ISIS. While studies have addressed the heterogeneity in Jihadi alliances, the question of why inter-Jihadi ties are completely absent or tenuous at times is under-theorized in the literature. Given ISIS’s recent inexorable advance through the Middle East and North Africa and its ever-growing ties with local Jihadists, it is timely to investigate under what conditions locally based militant Islamists are less likely to forge ties with global Jihadists. Using the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF)—a militant Islamist group in the Ugandan-Congolese borderland—as an illustrative case study, the research sheds light on conditions under which inter-Jihadi ties are less likely. These include the extent of ideological divergence between local and global Jihadists, the degree of relevance to the local community, and the fear of attracting new enemies in the form of more stringent counter-terrorism operations.