多极化、全球化、多样化和国际关系民主化——略论江泽民国际战略思想

江泽民根据冷战后国际局势的变化，提出了一系列具有创新意义的国际战略思想。他指出当前世界多极化和经济全球化趋势是不可阻抑的发展潮流，为世界的和平与发展带来了机遇和条件；认为世界是丰富多彩的，各国明具有多样性，我们必须尊重和维护世界的多样性，侣导各国发展模式的多样化和国际关系民主化。江泽民的这些国际战略思想对于我国第三代领导集体成功处理多变的国际关系起到了重要的指导作用。     

政治体制改革要与时俱进

随着社会主义市场经济的深入发展、人们政治需求的不断觉醒和社会深层次矛盾的凸显,使加速政治体制改革变得日益紧迫和重要。发展社会主义民主政治的核心内容,是要实现权力体制民主化。     

东南亚地区形势:2010年

得益于中国和印度的经济增长,东南亚国家受世界经济危机的冲击要小得多,经济复苏的步伐也快一些.东南亚地区的"人民力量"运动此起彼伏,在一些国家,街头政治成为常态,这种状态不利于国家政治民主化和现代化的进程,实际是民主的反动.奥巴马上台后,美国政府加强了在东南亚的存在与影响力.中国-东盟自由贸易区正式启动,标志着中国-东盟关系进入一个崭新的阶段.     

Les parlementaires suisses entre démocratisation et professionnalisation, 1910–2000

L'analyse du profil sociographique des élites politiques, notamment des parlementaires, a été largement délaissée en Suisse depuis les années 1970. En outre, la Suisse n'a pas été retenue par les récents travaux comparatifs portant sur différents parlements européens. Cet article vise, d'une part, à mettre en perspective comparée le cas suisse, et d'autre part, à prolonger les études réalisées durant les années 1970. À partir de l'analyse sociographique de cinq cohortes de parlementaires fédéraux (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000) durant le 20ième siècle, nous mettons en évidence l'évolution de la composition du Parlement sous l'angle de sa démocratisation et de sa professionnalisation récente. Nos résultats permettent de mettre en évidence les spécificités du Parlement helvétique en comparaison européenne. Celles‐ci tiennent d'abord à la prédominance de la catégorie des indépendants, notamment des avocats, ainsi qu'à une sous‐représentation des salariés du secteur public. Les parlementaires suisses se caractérisent également par un plus fort ancrage local et par une longévité parlementaire très élevée.     

Liberation movements and stalled democratic transitions: reproducing power in Rwanda and South Africa through productive liminality

The lack of convergence towards liberal democracy in some African countries reflects neither a permanent state of political aberration, nor necessarily a prolonged transitional phase through which countries pass once the “right” conditions are met. Examining the cases of two ruling parties, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and the African National Congress in South Africa, we develop the concept of productive liminality to explain countries suspended (potentially indefinitely) in a status “betwixt and between” mass violence, authoritarianism, and democracy. On the one hand, their societies are in a liminal status wherein a transition to democracy and socio-economic “revolution” remains forestalled; on the other hand, this liminality is instrumentalized to justify the party’s extraordinary mandate characterized by: (a) an idea of an incomplete project of liberation that the party alone is mandated to fulfil through an authoritarian social contract, and (b) the claim that this unfulfilled revolution is continuously under threat by a coterie of malevolent forces, which the party alone is mandated to identify and appropriately sanction.     

At Cross Purposes? Democratization and Peace Implementation Strategies in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Frozen Conflict

The case of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) provides an interesting lens through which to reflect on the interconnected and often conflicting challenges of implementation of internationally brokered peace agreements, external support to democratic transition and consolidation, and contemporary notions of sovereignty and state building. This chapter suggests that in the case of BiH, certain contradictions and tradeoffs have been and may still be necessary to ensure a foundation for future stability and democratic consolidation. The situation in post-Dayton BiH can be described as a frozen conflict that has remained frozen in large part due to an international presence that ensures that an imperfect peace prevails while also providing a basis for incremental reform. The peace implementation process in BiH is briefly reviewed by looking at two reform strategies: the “soft” protectorate strategy used in BiH as a whole and the “hard” protectorate option exercised in the District of Brčko. The aim is to demonstrate that while a democratic end-state remains the goal in such transitions, the means toward getting there can include a number of contradictory policy options.

抗争的动力:新媒体与缅甸的民主化

自从2007年以来,缅甸社会政治发生了很大变化,其中新媒体起了很关键的作用。在2007年"藏红花"革命和2008年纳吉斯风灾中,缅甸人民利用互联网、移动电话等新媒体技术向世界传递了政府镇压和掩盖的真相。缅甸军人政府也明显感到了新媒体技术对其统治的压力,因此在2010年缅甸大选之前,严格控制国内的互联网。新媒体技术的出现虽然没有导致缅甸社会权力结构发生实质性的变化,但是新媒体技术打破了原来军政府对信息的封锁,逐渐促进了缅甸的民主化进程。     

民主化和区域主义相关性研究:东盟的地区实践

民主化的实践对于东南亚区域主义产生了深远影响。随着东南亚地区合作的不断推进,政治转型成为该地区当下所面临的重要议题。本文拟结合民主化与区域主义两者关系的分析,探索传统上以精英为主导的区域主义正在经历的深刻嬗变。研究表明,民主化对于东南亚区域主义发展范式的影响是复杂的,以公民社会为主要载体的参与式区域主义方兴未艾,两种类型的区域主义勾画了东盟地区治理的图景。     

东南亚民主化浪潮中的女领袖现象探析

自20世纪80年代中期民主化浪潮以来,东南亚涌现出众多女领袖,她们因为是著名男性政治家的妻女而对民众有较大的号召力;因为具有非暴力和温顺的女性特质而得到对长期专制统治极度不满的民众的拥戴;因为追求自由、民主和人权的理想而被视为民主的象征;因为个人能力而在危机中挺身而出。这些使她们能在民主化浪潮中成为领袖,团结反对派力量,挑战专制统治。但东南亚女领袖现象并不是妇女地位提高的标志,也不表明父权制的式微,因为正是父权制为女领袖提供了支持,而女领袖并不挑战父权制,相反,她们利用并维护父权制。     

Police Bribery: Is Corruption Fostering Dissatisfaction with the Political System?

The increasing salience of security concerns after democratization processes in the developing world has put scholars to explore the effects of police corruption as a key issue impeding the consolidation of the rule of law. Using data taken from surveys conducted in Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia, this article contributes to such literature by questioning whether cases of police corruption have an effect on the trust in the political system. The research finds that citizens can support the democratic order even if they have experienced bribery. The article unveils, however, that another type of police corruption—police protecting criminals—is a robust and statistically significant theory of variance in the confidence in the political system.