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51.
This paper aims to assess the World Bank’s social risk management approach to poverty by focusing on the implementation details of the Social Risk Mitigation Project in Turkey, a World Bank project that depends on this approach. The paper looks at the approach through the concept of neoliberal governmentality, as an attempt to produce responsible poor citizens during a period when the responsibility for providing social services is transferred to the market and the family. By using field research it demonstrates that, with the intervention of local factors, several unintended consequences emerge in the implementation of a social risk management project. The article concludes that these outcomes, although not planned or intended, have all been instrumental in depoliticising poverty and the poor in the country. Moreover, in spite of all the problems and dissatisfaction, thanks to the Bank’s own portrayal, this project has contributed to the image of the Bank as a development institution that achieves successes in its fight with poverty.  相似文献   
52.
目前,个人理财业务在我国尚处于起步阶段,但市场前景十分广阔。各家商业银行应积极付诸行动,针对其发展中存在的同质化、定位高、缺乏高素质人才等问题,大力发展品牌化服务,创新服务渠道,开展个性化服务,积极培训理财人员,以促进个人理财业务发展。  相似文献   
53.
张洪飞 《行政与法》2006,(9):114-115
近年来对银行业跨行业经营问题有很多讨论,但对银行业关联交易应如何从法律上加以监管还鲜见详细论述。而不正当的关联交易将会给中小股东、债权人甚至给整个社会经济的发展带来不利的影响,如何完善法律加强对其监管是目前亟待解决的一个紧迫问题。  相似文献   
54.
The World Bank has for over a decade tried to formalize the informal economy in Kosovo. However, local journalists and businessmen among others provide an alternative understanding of informality that problematizes the World Bank’s view and actions. Against this backdrop, the article analyses the constitution and the constitutive effects of the World Bank’s anti-informality operations in Kosovo between 1999 and 2014. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s power analytics, the article claims that the Bank’s agenda, and the economic ideas enacted through it, does structure and shape informal economic practices on the ground. Yet this structuring involves two forms of misrecognition. As a result, informality is paradoxically constituted (in novel ways) and reconstituted through the World Bank’s imposed anti-informality agenda. The article concludes with a discussion of how this underlines the need for policy solutions that depart from liberal peacebuilding’s subject–object distinction to form instead around an acknowledgement of informality as emergent and transforming throughout international interventions.  相似文献   
55.
As part of a growing focus on the effectiveness of development assistance from the World Bank and other agencies, new efforts are being made to relate development finance more closely to outcomes achieved rather than to inputs used, through the results‐based financing approach. We provide a framework for analyzing the operational dimensions of results‐based financing, including the conditions that suit this approach, and how best to define, measure, and report results. We review some of the early World Bank experience with this approach. Noting that this approach is as yet not fully tested, we suggest evaluative issues for future research while highlighting strengths and challenges in the range of techniques adopted so far. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
56.
Using the 2005 unilateral Israeli withdrawal from Gaza as a case study, this article exposes an apparent paradox: circumstances may exist in which an outcome that serves the interests of parties to a conflict cannot be achieved through bilateral negotiation but can be achieved by unilateral action. Although the withdrawal was seen at the time as serving the interests of both the Israeli government and the Palestinians, we argue that the same result could not have been achieved through bilateral negotiations. “Behind‐the‐table” internal conflicts on each side would have made it impossible for the leaders to agree on the scope of these negotiations. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's success in implementing his Gaza withdrawal was attributable in significant measure to his ability to maintain ambiguity about his long‐run plans for the West Bank. Only by focusing attention on Gaza was he able to build the necessary coalition to implement the controversial move. The Palestinian leaders, on the other hand, could never have agreed to come to the table to negotiate about Gaza alone — they would have insisted that the scope of any negotiations address a broad range of final status issues. In this article, we identify some of the lessons that the Gaza example teaches regarding the utility and limits of unilateralism as well as the benefits and potential costs of employing ambiguity as a strategy to help accomplish a controversial move. Finally, we also explore the aftermath of the withdrawal and its many missed opportunities for improving the outcome. We suggest that, even when acting unilaterally, leaders should carefully consider the probable impact of their actions on the internal conflicts of their adversaries.  相似文献   
57.
Abstract

The 10 options offered so far to resolve the Palestinian conundrum have proved vain. New thinking that combines Palestinian self‐determination rights with Israel's security needs is necessary. The proposed solution rests on the following: (1) mutal acceptance of self‐determination for the Palestinians and the Jewish people, (2) mutual recognition of PLO and Zionism, (3) partition of Greater Palestine between Israelis and Palestinians, and (4) separation between sovereignty over territory and personal status of inhabitants.  相似文献   
58.
为促进亚洲地区互联互通建设和经济一体化进程,中国政府倡议筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行,得到东盟的赞赏和支持。筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行已经提上重要议事日程。本文拟阐述筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行的重大意义,分析筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行面临的困难和挑战,研究提出筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行的基本思路,建议筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行率先在中国—东盟区域实现突破,取得好的成效、积累一定经验后再逐步扩大到整个亚洲地区。本文设计了亚洲基础设施投资银行的性质宗旨与职能定位、机构设置与总部选址、资金来源与合作方式等,尤其对在中国—东盟区域起步的亚洲基础设施投资银行的合作方式、期初的股本资金、各国出资金额及所占比重进行较为深入的研究,提出可行性初步操作方案,抛砖以引玉,供决策参考。需要说明的是,本文提出的观点仅是我们个人学术观点,不代表任何组织和机构。  相似文献   
59.
亚洲开发银行的成立是在特定的时代背景下,各方国际力量追逐利益博弈的结果。经过40多年的运营,亚洲开发银行在资金来源、职能定位、组织结构、主要业务及未来重点发展领域等方面日趋成熟与完善。通过对亚洲开发银行运行现状进行分析,可归纳出四个方面的成功经验,但也存在五个方面的问题,这些经验与问题给亚洲基础设施投资银行的创建和未来的运营带来了诸多的启示。  相似文献   
60.
The aim of this article is to assess the creation of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank within the scope of China’s smart power strategy, which will help not only to analyze China’s strategic use of its coercive and co-optive capacity, but also to understand better the concept of smart power. Given that the wisdom of statecraft can only be situationally determined, through this study I will propose the ability to achieve targeted objectives, the skill to use hard and soft power instruments in such a way that they reinforce each other, good interpretation of the existing regional and global contexts, time planning, and compatibility with long-term interests as criteria for judging the effectiveness of a smart power implementation.  相似文献   
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