试论高校学生社团在和谐校园建设中的载体作用

在高校和谐校园建设中，具有学生自我教育、自我管理、自我服务功能的学生社团发挥着重要的载体作用：为加强大学生思想政治教育提供了教育新载体，为校园文化建设提供了活动新载体，为和谐教学关系与师生关系的建立提供了沟通新载体，为大学生个性的全面和谐发展提供了锻炼新载体。     

Politisierung in Vereinen. Eine empirische Studie zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen

Es ist empirisch gut belegt, dass Vereinsmitglieder nicht nur häufiger politisch partizipieren als Nichtmitglieder, sondern dass sie sich auch überdurchschnittlich für Politik interessieren und über Politik diskutieren. In diesem Artikel wird anhand von Analysen zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen gezeigt, dass dieser empirische Befund nur bedingt auf politische Sozialisationseffekte von Freiwilligenorganisationenzurückzuführen ist. Die Ergebnisse von multivariaten Analysen weisen darauf hin, dass nicht die Vereinsmitgliedschaft, sondern eher die politische Frühsozialisation und die Ausbildung zu einer vermehrten Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen führen. Vereine entfalten primär dann eine politisierende Wirkung, wenn sie die Möglichkeit bieten, Organisations‐ und Kommunikationsfähigkeit en zu erlernen respektive zu kultivieren, oder wenn sie einen Beitrag zur Konfliktfähigkeit ihrer Mitglieder leisten.     

The Role of Flexibility Mechanisms in EU Climate Strategy: Lessons Learned and Future Challenges?

The main objective of this paper is to examine the evolution of European Union (EU) climate strategy, scrutinising in particular developments in EU's views on the so-called flexibility or Kyoto mechanisms. In brief, the paper argues that there has been a gradual change in EU's views, from the role of a sceptic in the run-up to Kyoto towards becoming more of a frontrunner on emissions trading in recent years. The need to 'save Kyoto' and the protracted development of EU climate policy are highlighted as two of the most important drivers behind this process of change. This paper also discusses some of the lessons learned from international negotiations and the development of EU climate policy. Finally, and drawing upon the lessons learned, the paper explores key future challenges for the further development of EU climate strategy.     

Neither here, not there: Bulgaria and Romania in current European politics

The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished.     

印度对欧经贸关系浅析

印度独立后十分重视发展与欧洲国家的关系。上世纪90年代后,双方的关系得到了极大的提升,建立了一系列的合作机制,如印欧首脑会议和印欧工商高峰会议等,在第五届印欧首脑会议上,双方还确立了建立战略性伙伴关系的目标。目前,欧盟是印度最大的贸易伙伴,2004年,印度和欧盟双边贸易额达到了历史性的332亿欧元。虽然双方的合作仍有不少的制约因素,但双方的合作前景相当广阔。     

论行业组织的权力及其规制

行业组织是非营利性的社会组织,其权力的性质是具有公共管理职能的社会权。行业组织的权力是多方面的,对成员的影响也是巨大的,因此也必须对其权力进行规范,以保护其成员的合法权益。     

Russia–EU relations at a crossroads: preventing a new Cold War in a polycentric world

In the past year, the Ukrainian crisis has generated an international discussion about a ‘new Cold War’. This article looks into the likelihood of such a scenario and makes suggestions of how it may be precluded. The course of events depends on whether the current model of globalization can be reversed. This would mean not only a change in the current structure of the global economy, but its dismantling. However, it is obvious that for most European and other states, the risks associated with such a policy outweigh potential geopolitical and economic benefits. The international order is in a state of flux. High risks are unacceptable when governments or nations pursue their interests in a stable environment. But when the balance of power shifts substantially, as it has now, the perception of risk threshold also begins to change. European history has shown that large-scale transformations in international relations in most cases triggered tension and violence, caused by rising demands of ascending powers and by resistance of those who were challenged. In the twenty-first century, the polycentric structure of the world provides an opportunity to achieve a new lasting global settlement, and to put an end to the current period of increasing tension.     

Uncertainty at the EU's borders: narratives of EU external relations in the revised European Neighbourhood Policy towards the southern borderlands

This article analyses the role of narratives in European Union (EU) external relations in the revised European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and systematically explores how they operate in practice in the context of the EU's border management practices vis-à-vis the “southern borderlands”, in particular with respect to their inclusionary and exclusionary potential. Key EU documents and statements by EU agents, released throughout the first three years of Arab uprisings and pertaining to the revised ENP, will be subjected to a thorough examination which highlights four observations: first, in spite of the fact that the revised ENP is rooted in several narratives, some nevertheless dominate over others; second, the simultaneous presence of and recourse to different narratives contribute to an increase, rather than a decrease, of uncertainty in the EU's southern borderlands; third, despite a multitude of narratives which serve to legitimize EU action in the framework of the revised ENP, the latter perpetuates the logics of its predecessor by generating benefits mainly for the EU itself; fourth, that the first three years of the revised ENP have in practice demonstrated that an imbalance exists between on the one hand the original acceptance of the narratives by EU stakeholders and on the other hand their willingness to abide by them and fill them with life.     

The political value of languages

A theory of linguistic justice needs to take into account the three distinct values of language as a medium for communication, as a source of individual identity and as an instrument for political self-government. Doing so would undermine Van Parijs’ claim that political borders and peoples should be downgraded to a purely instrumental role for purposes of social justice. But it would widen the scope of egalitarian global justice by including a universal right of individuals to membership self-governing polities and it could provide more solid theoretical foundations for his defence of coercive territorial language regimes.