中国与周边东南亚国家边境合作的模式转变

边境合作与沿海开放不同，必须采取紧密型的区域经济一体化模式，遵循地缘经济的发展规律，加快区域经济一体化进程，改变传统的边境合作发展模式。中国与周边东南亚国家的边境合作必须从竞争性对外开放向互利共赢性对外开放转变；从单方的自我开放向双边或多边的互动开放转变；从贸易驱动型的边境合作向投资驱动型边境合作转变；从主要依赖有形产品贸易向主要依赖无形的服务贸易转变：从传统产业间的贸易合作向产业内的生产性合作转变。     

Role of Culture and Context: Ethical Issues in Research with Asian Americans and Immigrants in Intimate Violence

Ethical principles are often presented as universal, immutable rules. However, when conducting research with ethnic minority groups, such as Asian Americans and immigrants, ethical issues need to be placed within a sociocultural context as ethical responses are filtered through the specific value orientations and belief systems of the ethnic group under study. Further, when the group is a marginalized population, power dynamics complicate ethical principles of autonomy. The complexities are further accentuated with sensitive topics such as intimate violence or domestic violence. Consequently, ethical questions about autonomy, informed consent, confidentiality, limits to confidentiality, and protecting participants’ safety and reducing distress need to be at the forefront when planning intimate violence research. An overview of sociocultural context of Western biomedical ethics is presented and specific ethical issues that emerge when conducting intimate violence are discussed.     

俄罗斯与亚洲国家经济关系述评

上世纪90年代初期,俄罗斯曾经忽视与亚洲国家的关系,与亚洲各国的经济联系日渐萎缩。90年代中期,俄意识到与亚洲国家关系的重要性,逐渐恢复与亚洲各国的政治经济联系。新世纪初,普京当选为总统后,俄更加重视亚洲的地位,与亚洲各国的经济关系越来越密切。     

Can service providing NGOs build democracy? Five contingent features

This article studies the role of service providing NGOs in the Middle East in promoting democracy. Challenging the assumption that service providing NGOs are apolitical, the authors argue that service providing NGOs play important roles in promoting democracy. They do so by serving as public arenas, or spaces in which members and beneficiaries practice democratic habits such as discussion and debate, collective problem solving, free expression, rights claiming, and the like—all of which contribute to the cultivation of a participatory form of democracy. Drawing upon existing literature, interviews, and participant observation of NGOs in Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine, the authors argue that five features shape the role of service providing NGOs in promoting democracy. These include: (1) organizational readiness, or the organization's embeddedness in its beneficiary community and its organizational capacity; (2) organizational governance, or organization's commitment to participatory representation and transparency; (3) the nature of service an organization provides; (4) an NGOs' collaboration with other NGOs and the government; and (5) donor risk tolerance. The article's analysis contributes to our understanding of the varied, and often overlooked, roles of service providing NGOs, advancing the literature on NGO-state relations, NGO-donor relations, and democracy promotion.     

中日甲午战争与东北亚国际关系的变化

中日甲午战争中清朝的惨败给中国社会带来空前严重的社会危机,大大加深了中国社会半殖民地化的程度。而战胜国日本则国力日益强大,跻身于资本主义列强的行列。甲午战争后,日本的崛起和扩张加剧了东亚地区国家关系的变化,给这一地区的国际关系带来直接而深远的影响。东亚国际秩序由以中国为中心的传统宗藩朝贡体系向近代殖民条约体系转型,中朝日近代新型的国家关系逐渐建立起来,传统的宗藩体系土崩瓦解。本文以中日甲午战争的爆发与传统华夷秩序的瓦解为切入点,探讨甲午战争后东亚传统邻邦中朝日三国新型近代国家关系建立始末及其对三国关系产生的影响。     

“Double transformations:” nation formation and democratization in interwar East Central Europe

Following the collapse of empires and the subsequent founding of self-determined nation-states, East Central Europe experienced a turning point after World War I. The new states had to transform themselves from branches of a multi-ethnic empire to independent nation-states, as well as from a system of monarchy to democracy at the same time. We argue that one cannot really understand why democracy failed in almost all East Central European states after World War I if one does not take into account the extreme challenges of this “double transformation” consisting of the interactions of the two tightly interwoven processes of nation formation and democratization. Therefore, we deem it necessary to develop a broader research program that addresses the complex interlacement of these two fundamental transformations of politics and society.     

试论台海局势缓和对东北亚地区安全形势的影响

中国政府的积极努力,马英九政府对海峡两岸政策的调整,促成了台海局势由紧张对峙到逐步缓和。台海局势缓和不仅缓解了台湾岛内及国际反华分裂势力蓄意利用台湾牌造成的东北亚地区紧张形势;而且为海峡两岸与东北亚地区的进一步合作提供了极好的发展契机。实践证明:由于台湾地缘具有的重要性,台海局势缓和是直接关系到海峡两岸和东北亚地区的安全和稳定的重要因素。     

日本的“亚洲门罗主义”

当＂万国公法＂在近代日本逐渐为＂公法＂及＂国际法＂概念替换之际,美国人为了达成＂门户开放＂的对华政策而寻求同盟时,向日本人提出了伸张＂亚洲门罗主义＂的建议。这一建议暗合了日本的扩张意图,为日本不断利用＂公法＂张扬＂亚洲门罗主义＂提供了口实。可以说,20世纪30年代初成立的伪满洲国是这一建议带来的最大成果。然而,在伪满洲国承认问题上,＂亚洲门罗主义＂达到顶峰的同时又背离了＂公法＂。     

西田哲学中的“东亚共荣圈”原理——兼与军部的“大东亚共荣圈”理论比较

太平洋战争爆发后,西田几多郎提出了面向世界的历史课题,即＂世界性的世界形成主义＂。西田的世界观是以东亚为视角、以日本为中心的世界观,其目的是将＂八纮为宇＂的＂皇道精神＂发挥于世界。在日本政府已经确立＂大东亚共荣圈＂的亚洲战略之后,西田提出＂东亚共荣圈＂理念,试图从哲学的世界观、文化观角度解读并深化日本政府的＂大东亚共荣圈＂理论。西田的＂东亚共荣圈＂中包含浓厚的日本历史特殊性和日本民族优越论的倾向,与军部法西斯的＂大东亚共荣圈＂殊途同归。     

地区安全治理的未来:走向亚洲协调

作者首次提出了亚洲协调的概念,讨论了亚洲协调对未来亚洲及太平洋地区安全治理的必要性和长远性。尽管最早的主要国家之间协调(concert of powers)的理论与实践是19世纪的、欧洲的,但是,关于主要国家之间协调(不仅是大国协调)的一般理论却同样可以运用在解决21世纪的亚洲(以及太平洋)的严峻安全挑战和困境上。这些挑战和困境在未来可能会进一步演化为严重的大国之间的对抗甚至冲突。更重要的是,亚洲协调将注定会阻止战争、实现长期和平及维持本地区的经济活力。也就是说,如果亚洲协调明智地和有效地建立并运作起来,到2079年,亚洲以及太平洋将拥有一百年的和平,如同欧洲在1815-1914年拥有的百年和平。从1979年到现在,亚洲地区已经享受了接近四十年的和平。在过去二十多年建立起来的地区或者跨地区的论坛、会议、组织和制度等,反映了治理亚洲地区的权力转移的企图和努力;尽管这些安排相互重叠、尚未彼此兼容,甚至相互竞争,但我们完全可以把它们当做未来亚洲协调的基础。虽然目前的地区安全治理仍然由美国及其同盟体系占据主导地位,但美国也不得不重视复杂的安全地区主义。有不少人建议美国应该以亚洲协调作为未来解决与中国关系的方案。中国已经为建立在经济发展基础上的亚洲和平做出重大贡献。中国已与美国建立新型大国关系回应美国的转向亚洲。中国在亚洲协调中的地位是中心的和关键的。