东亚共同体:路径、机制与挑战

基于东亚金融危机的体制性原因,东亚一体化提上了议事日程,应该说,这是区域合作的政治构想。然而,作为政治构想的东亚一体化是一种经济增长型政治的意图,它走出了一条与欧盟完全不同的路径。首先,在欧洲,以欧洲人为核心的欧洲主义成为地域统合的原动力,可是,东亚经济统合缺乏欧洲人那种主体性意识,这是一种地域结构性的差异。其次,东盟10+3模式是东亚共同体的推进机制,然而,与欧盟比较,东亚缺少一个既有共同政治基础、又有法律约束力的推进机构。再次,冷战从欧洲全面退却,但是,在东亚,冷战呈进攻态势,亚洲主义成为东亚一体化进程中难以跨越的障碍。最后,文章指出,应以自由贸易协定推进东亚机构建设,以机构推进东亚一体化进程,并推动东亚共同的经济政治制度建设。     

文明论:东北亚研究的新视角

作为东北亚区域研究重要的理论架构,文明理论可以帮助我们打破传统的东亚文明“浑然一体论”的束缚,进一步理解东北亚区域文明的基础构造,把握东北亚区域文明结构体系内部“中心—边缘”间复杂的互动关系,处理好国别研究和区域文明整体研究之间的关系,在比较中加深我们对东北亚区域的理解。     

六方会谈与东北亚安全合作机制

朝核危机的爆发使得构建东北亚安全机制再次成为各国关注的课题。为了解决朝核危机,相关各国先后举行了六轮六方会谈。六方会谈取得了一些进展,也推动了东北亚安全机制的建设,但是作为一个问题机制而存在的六方会谈,不仅受限于朝鲜半岛局势的发展,还深深受限于中美关系的发展和中日之间的结构性矛盾。因此,即使最终能够成功地解决朝核问题,东北亚安全合作机制的建立还将有待于进一步努力。     

“Zomia”范式的政治人类学意义及其未来

斯科特的《逃避统治的艺术》一经出版即获得了学界的诸多关注,成为东南亚研究必读书目之一,但同时也受到学者们不同角度的批评。《逃避统治的艺术》重新定义了"Zomia"即东南亚山地的区域研究内涵,并指出二战前该区域内存在着一种山地居民为免于国家统治而从生计方式、政治结构、历史和宗教等方面建构的"逃避"机制。尽管我们可以指出斯科特使用史实的错误(如坚持"南诏泰族说")或缺失,也可以批评他忽略了历史变迁的复杂性,但其研究的独到之处依然值得我们借鉴。从方法论来看,斯科特在长期消化文献材料的基础上大胆提出理论假设,这是学术创新的必要路径。斯科特继承了利奇关于克钦人"贡萨"—"贡劳"社会结构的学术遗产,激进地建构了东南亚山地居民以"逃避"为核心的生存模式,堪称西方无政府主义人类学的一次宏伟实验。"Zomia"研究范式也给了我们很多启示,比如应该勇于跨越边界,从关系主义视角来考察研究对象。通过中国西南和东南亚—南亚地区的比较研究,以交互性和流动性为中心考察其历史与当下的政治经济与社会人文形态,探求新的知识生产格局,有望成为中国人类学和民族学作出新贡献的"民族志学术区"。最后,在"post-Zomia"时代,处于各民族国家包围下的山地族群如何在现代化、全球化的时代背景下通过与国家部门和主流社会持续的遭遇、协商和妥协来寻求自身的发展空间,将会成为今后重要的研究方向。     

民主选举与社会分裂——东亚民主转型国家与地区的政治与政局

东亚民主转型国家和地区发生的社会分裂与其实行的民主制度之间存在较强的关联性。在经济发展不平衡、贫富差距大、民族国家意识淡泊及选举文化有欠成熟的情况下,参与选举的政治势力和社会群体倾向于将投票及相关活动视为扩大自身利益和削弱对方力量的机会,导致不同政治势力和社会群体之间的对立和冲突超出可控范围。     

From British subjects to Australian values: a citizenship-building approach to Australia–Asia relations

Australia–Asia relations are inextricably bound up with the development of notions of statehood and citizenship. The argument advanced here is that the way a state acts within the international community markedly determines how it relates to its own citizens. Here we suggest that the continuing and politically resonant idea of Australia as a ‘middle power’ is a crucial thread that links the international and national dimensions of citizenship building. From the very beginning of Federation, the contingent sovereignty of the new Australian Commonwealth in the imperial order became necessarily entangled with debate over national political institutions and citizenship building. Long after the end of the British Empire, the notion of middle power politics has determined the nature and shape of citizenship building. These statecraft projects of ‘citizenship building’ are profoundly shaped, determined and reinforced by the institutions and policies of regional engagement. We explore this framework through three critical junctures of domestic and external policy: 1. the emergence of dominion status on the basis of a common racial and cultural identity within the empire in the first half of the century;

2. the developing notion of a good international citizen during the Hawke and Keating period;

3. the invocation of Australian values by John Howard.

     

Integrating participatory elements into conventional research projects: measuring the costs and benefits

Until recently, participatory and conventional approaches to agricultural research have been regarded as more or less antagonistic. This article presents evidence from three sub-projects of a Thai–Vietnamese–German collaborative research programme on ‘Sustainable Land Use and Rural Development in Mountainous Regions of Southeast Asia’, in which participatory elements were successfully integrated into conventional agricultural research as add-on activities. In all three sub-projects the costs of studying local knowledge or enhancing farmers' experimentation consisted of additional local personnel, opportunity costs of participating farmers' time, and travel costs. However, these participatory elements of the research projects constituted only a small fraction of the total costs. It may be concluded that conventional agricultural research can be complemented by participatory components in a cost-effective way, while producing meaningful benefits in terms of creating synergies by blending scientific and local knowledge, scaling up micro-level data, and highlighting farmers' constraints affecting technology adoption.     

Civil Society,Environmental Security and Knowledge: Forest Governance in Thailand and the Philippines in the Context of ASEAN

In the domain of environmental security, it appears that a strong civil society, one with strong social ingenuity and social capital, is a necessary condition not only for environmental security, but also for regional security in general. This paper will argue that in the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), much can be learned from the empirical experiences of Thailand and the Philippines that have established records of accomplishment in civil society participation in forest governance. Also discussed is the possible role of epistemic communities both within these countries as well as across countries in the ASEAN in harnessing institutions of knowledge to influence domestic and regional governance of forest resources.     

加强东北亚区域能源合作 保障我国能源安全

当前我国能源特别是石油进口持续增加 ,能源安全面临着严峻的挑战 ,存在来源风险、运输风险和市场风险 ,需要通过区域能源合作来保障我国能源安全。东北亚区域除我国外 ,既包括油气资源丰富的俄罗斯 ,又有缺乏油气资源但资金雄厚的日本和韩国 ,发挥各国优势加强东北亚区域能源合作 ,是防范我国和区域内其他国家能源风险、避免对能源资源恶性竞争的有效途径。在参与东北亚地区的能源合作中 ,我国应建立一种整体的、相互协调的战略思路 ,寻找各方的利益共同点以促进区域内能源合作 ,同时还必须增加与区域外的联系 ,实现能源进口渠道的多元化。     

论《内保条例》实施后公安行政指导监督机制的构建与完善

行政指导与行政监督是公安机关在单位内部治安保卫工作中发挥职能作用的主要方式,是单位内部治安保卫工作贯彻各项方针原则的重要保证。公安机关要深入贯彻《内保条例》,坚持以人为本,全面构建与不断完善公安行政指导监督机制。