Multinational-firm responses to an Asian-crisis comeback: evidence from European transnationals

Abstract

Despite many predictions to the contrary, the Republic of Korea (ROK) is currently one of the countries with most pro-American attitudes. We investigate what is behind the extraordinary resilience in US popular standing in an allegedly least likely setting. Using survey data from 2002 and 2007 and a novel methodology, Classification and Regression Tree models, we test whether US standing is: (1) a matter of interests, i.e. a reward that the USA receives because it either provides security or international public goods; or (2) whether it is a matter of image, i.e. the recognition that the USA is a role model to emulate. We find that across a large number of predictors, the Korean public mostly liked the USA because they liked American ways of doing business, which gives support to the image hypothesis. Security interests played a secondary role in shaping US standing, while the provision of international public goods had no impact in the popular assessment of the USA in the ROK.     

Deeper SCO Cooperation Promises Regional Peace and Development

正LEADERS of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)member states gathered on September 11 and 12 in Dushanbe,capital of Tajikistan,for a summit that is set to chart the course of the regional group’s development     

日本的“亚洲门罗主义”

当＂万国公法＂在近代日本逐渐为＂公法＂及＂国际法＂概念替换之际,美国人为了达成＂门户开放＂的对华政策而寻求同盟时,向日本人提出了伸张＂亚洲门罗主义＂的建议。这一建议暗合了日本的扩张意图,为日本不断利用＂公法＂张扬＂亚洲门罗主义＂提供了口实。可以说,20世纪30年代初成立的伪满洲国是这一建议带来的最大成果。然而,在伪满洲国承认问题上,＂亚洲门罗主义＂达到顶峰的同时又背离了＂公法＂。     

十月革命前朝鲜人向俄国远东地区迁移述评

俄国占领中国黑龙江以北、乌苏里江以东土地后,急需大量劳动力对该地区进行开发。1864年第一批朝鲜人越过边界来到俄国远东,此后陆续有大批朝鲜人进入远东。他们为远东的开发做出了不可忽视的贡献,特别是善于从事农耕的朝鲜人开垦了大片荒地,促进了远东农业的发展。十月革命前朝鲜人向远东移民的历史可分为两个时期,以1895年的中日甲午战争为界,每个时期又可划分为几个阶段。     

Integrating participatory elements into conventional research projects: measuring the costs and benefits

Until recently, participatory and conventional approaches to agricultural research have been regarded as more or less antagonistic. This article presents evidence from three sub-projects of a Thai–Vietnamese–German collaborative research programme on ‘Sustainable Land Use and Rural Development in Mountainous Regions of Southeast Asia’, in which participatory elements were successfully integrated into conventional agricultural research as add-on activities. In all three sub-projects the costs of studying local knowledge or enhancing farmers' experimentation consisted of additional local personnel, opportunity costs of participating farmers' time, and travel costs. However, these participatory elements of the research projects constituted only a small fraction of the total costs. It may be concluded that conventional agricultural research can be complemented by participatory components in a cost-effective way, while producing meaningful benefits in terms of creating synergies by blending scientific and local knowledge, scaling up micro-level data, and highlighting farmers' constraints affecting technology adoption.     

Civil Society,Environmental Security and Knowledge: Forest Governance in Thailand and the Philippines in the Context of ASEAN

In the domain of environmental security, it appears that a strong civil society, one with strong social ingenuity and social capital, is a necessary condition not only for environmental security, but also for regional security in general. This paper will argue that in the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), much can be learned from the empirical experiences of Thailand and the Philippines that have established records of accomplishment in civil society participation in forest governance. Also discussed is the possible role of epistemic communities both within these countries as well as across countries in the ASEAN in harnessing institutions of knowledge to influence domestic and regional governance of forest resources.     

加强东北亚区域能源合作 保障我国能源安全

当前我国能源特别是石油进口持续增加 ,能源安全面临着严峻的挑战 ,存在来源风险、运输风险和市场风险 ,需要通过区域能源合作来保障我国能源安全。东北亚区域除我国外 ,既包括油气资源丰富的俄罗斯 ,又有缺乏油气资源但资金雄厚的日本和韩国 ,发挥各国优势加强东北亚区域能源合作 ,是防范我国和区域内其他国家能源风险、避免对能源资源恶性竞争的有效途径。在参与东北亚地区的能源合作中 ,我国应建立一种整体的、相互协调的战略思路 ,寻找各方的利益共同点以促进区域内能源合作 ,同时还必须增加与区域外的联系 ,实现能源进口渠道的多元化。     

东亚共同体:路径、机制与挑战

基于东亚金融危机的体制性原因,东亚一体化提上了议事日程,应该说,这是区域合作的政治构想。然而,作为政治构想的东亚一体化是一种"经济增长型政治"的意图,它走出了一条与欧盟完全不同的路径。首先,在欧洲,以"欧洲人"为核心的欧洲主义成为地域统合的原动力,可是,东亚经济统合缺乏"欧洲人"那种主体性意识,这是一种地域结构性的差异。其次,东盟"10+3"模式是东亚共同体的推进机制,然而,与欧盟比较,东亚缺少一个既有共同政治基础、又有法律约束力的推进机构。再次,冷战从欧洲全面退却,但是,在东亚,"冷战"呈进攻态势,"亚洲主义"成为东亚一体化进程中难以跨越的障碍。最后,文章指出,应以自由贸易协定推进东亚机构建设,以机构推进东亚一体化进程,并推动东亚共同的经济政治制度建设。     

试论台海局势缓和对东北亚地区安全形势的影响

中国政府的积极努力,马英九政府对海峡两岸政策的调整,促成了台海局势由紧张对峙到逐步缓和。台海局势缓和不仅缓解了台湾岛内及国际反华分裂势力蓄意利用"台湾牌"造成的东北亚地区紧张形势;而且为海峡两岸与东北亚地区的进一步合作提供了极好的发展契机。实践证明:由于台湾地缘具有的重要性,台海局势缓和是直接关系到海峡两岸和东北亚地区的安全和稳定的重要因素。     

论《内保条例》实施后公安行政指导监督机制的构建与完善

行政指导与行政监督是公安机关在单位内部治安保卫工作中发挥职能作用的主要方式,是单位内部治安保卫工作贯彻各项方针原则的重要保证。公安机关要深入贯彻《内保条例》,坚持以人为本,全面构建与不断完善公安行政指导监督机制。