全文获取类型
收费全文 | 718篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 122篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 63篇 |
外交国际关系 | 318篇 |
法律 | 43篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 97篇 |
综合类 | 67篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 14篇 |
2018年 | 30篇 |
2017年 | 35篇 |
2016年 | 31篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 119篇 |
2012年 | 47篇 |
2011年 | 45篇 |
2010年 | 52篇 |
2009年 | 39篇 |
2008年 | 47篇 |
2007年 | 42篇 |
2006年 | 34篇 |
2005年 | 25篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 24篇 |
2002年 | 21篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有731条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
31.
Blake Ratner Clementine Burnley Samuel Mugisha Elias Madzudzo Il Oeur Kosal Mam 《Development in Practice》2018,28(6):799-812
How can multi-stakeholder dialogue help assess and address the roots of environmental resource competition and conflict? This article summarises the outcomes and lessons from action research in large lake systems in Uganda, Zambia, and Cambodia. Dialogues linking community groups, NGOs and government agencies have reduced local conflict, produced agreements with private investors, and influenced government priorities in ways that respond to the needs of marginalised fishing communities. The article details policy guidance in four areas: building stakeholder commitment, understanding the institutional and governance context, involving local groups in the policy reform process, and embracing adaptability in programme implementation. 相似文献
32.
Shahram Akbarzadeh 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(4):980-995
The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a result of their regional ambitions. While Turkey had long seen its secular system as presenting an alternative to Iran’s Islamic ideology, the alignment of their regional interests facilitated a rapport between the two states in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the Arab Spring proved divisive for this relationship as each state sought to advocate its model of government and secure a leadership role in the Arab world. The war in Syria widened the divide, as Iran’s long-standing support for the Bashar al-Assad regime could not be reconciled with Turkey’s desire to see President Assad out of office. Using a close reading of Persian and Turkish sources, the authors will analyse the Iran–Turkey divide, focusing specifically on how the Iranians have portrayed it as a clash of civilisations, citing Turkey’s so-called ‘neo-Ottoman’ ambitions as the primary cause. 相似文献
33.
Danyel Reiche 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(4):996-1011
At the Olympic Games, there is an increasing gap between developed countries that are investing more and more government resources into sporting success, and developing countries that cannot afford the “Gold War”, and are just spectators in the medal race. Based on studying a representative case, Lebanon, I investigate issues and interests of developing countries in the Olympics. On the political level, the main motivation for participation is global recognition. On the sporting level, developing countries seek to use Olympic participation as preparation for regional Games where success is more likely, serving as a soft power tool for regional influence. 相似文献
34.
Simon Mabon 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(8):1782-1799
Five years after people took to the streets in protest at political organisation across the Middle East, the consequences of these actions remain. As the protests gained traction, states began to fragment and regimes sought to retain power, whatever the cost. While a great deal of focus has been upon what happened, very little attention has been paid to the role of agency within the context of the fragmenting sovereignty and political change. This article contributes to these debates by applying the work of Giorgio Agamben to the post-Arab Uprisings Middle East, to understand the relationship between rulers and ruled along with the fragmentation of the sovereign state. The article argues for the need to bring agency back into conceptual debates about sovereignty within the Middle East. It concludes by presenting a framework that offers an approach building upon Agamben’s bare life. 相似文献
35.
Katerina Dalacoura 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(9):2066-2081
The tired old civilisational categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’, loosely identified with ‘Islam’ and ‘modernity’, are alive and well, nowhere more so than in contemporary Turkey. The Justice Development Party (AKP) currently in government employs them assiduously to political advantage but they have a long history, having defined the parameters of societal identity and political discourse throughout the history of the Turkish Republic. The paper takes the strength of the categories as its starting point but moves beyond them by asking if discourses, narratives and identities, individual and collective, exist in Turkey which question, overcome and ultimately undermine the categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’. The paper starts by investigating the evolution of ideas about East and West since the late Ottoman period and accepts that they are still dominant. However, since the 1980s in particular, they are being undermined in a de facto way by cultural developments in literature and music, new trends in historiography and novel ways of relating to the past. In some ways in contemporary Turkey, the paper concludes, culture trumps the inherently essentialist idea of ‘civilisation’ and Turkish society is ahead of its political and intellectual elites. 相似文献
36.
Ian Christoplos Le Duc Ngoan Le Thi Hoa Sen Nguyen Thi Thanh Huong Huy Nguyen 《Development in Practice》2017,27(2):132-142
Great changes are underway in how climate and agricultural risks are managed in Vietnam. Uncertainties are emerging regarding the role of the state in managing these risks and what this implies for assumptions regarding hoped-for climate change transformations. Local government control is waning in relation to the expanding roles of the private sector and the growing autonomy of farmers themselves. This article presents cases that illustrate the ways that farmers, private investors, and local authorities are responding to climate risk within roles relating to the other risks involving markets, food security, and pressures on common property resources. 相似文献
37.
现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。 相似文献
38.
东亚出版人会议紧扣着东亚文化与出版两大主题,从人的交流、书的交流到企划出版的交流这3个层面,既务虚也务实。一方面通过相互间的文化与理念的交流,期望了解彼此邻近却隔膜的现代化的心路历程;另一方面则通过共同出版"东亚人文书100",进行跨越国界的文化事业的交流。不过,中、日、韩3国所推荐的书目依然代表着各自不同的文化诉求,因此,如何通过文化的交流来重构东亚的价值和理念,还需要出版人的进一步努力。 相似文献
39.
两岸产业合作目前的形态与模式形成的根本原因,除了两岸间密切的经贸关系外,更是由两岸共同处于的东亚生产网络所驱动的。在全球金融危机之后,两岸间产业合作开始共同面对亚太区域经济整合、全球价值链重新布局的外部压力,同时由于两岸经济实力和比较优势的变迁,两岸间产业开始逐渐由互补走向竞争。当外部与内部经济环境同时发生变化时,两岸产业合作的传统模式面临挑战和选择。 相似文献
40.
自20世纪90年代初以来,东盟次区域经济合作非常活跃,先后出现了新加坡、马来西亚柔佛和印尼的廖内群岛等组成的"新柔廖增长三角",又被称为"东盟南增长三角";印尼、马来西亚、泰国相邻部分组成的"东盟北增长三角";文莱、印尼、马来西亚和菲律宾相邻部分组成的"东盟东部经济增长区(简称东盟东增长区)"等.这些由东盟各国自愿组成的各种增长三角已成为东盟进行合作的重要形式,促进了东盟各国间经济联系和相互合作,带动了贸易和投资的发展.本文选取东盟区域内最大的、最年轻的东盟东增长区,分析其带动资本流动的效果,探讨其发展成效. 相似文献