结果导向型援助及其超越 ——兼论中国国际发展合作与全球发展话语权

援助是一国外交政策的重要工具。冷战期间,美苏对外援助的主要目的是争夺盟友,对援助成效的评估主要是以过程为导向,其标准是援助的投入是否成功使受援国留在本方阵营。冷战后,西方国家内部出现援助预算的合法性危机,对援助成效的讨论也逐渐从过程导向转向结果导向。进入21世纪,联合国千年发展目标和2030年可持续发展目标为发展援助的结果评估提供了重要参照。结果导向型援助提高了中国对外援助的可见性,但其存在的弊端和南北垂直援助特征需要中国制定超越援助的新时代国际发展合作战略。联合国2030年可持续发展议程吸收了结果导向型援助的积极因素,但这也为超越该理念奠定了基础。新时代中国国际发展合作与2030年议程的深入对接为中国突破西方战略围堵和实现中华民族伟大复兴提供了重要机遇。全球发展倡议与"一带一路"倡议、人类命运共同体理念和生态文明思想共同构成中国全球发展话语权的基础,并逐步超越了结果导向型援助,为落实2030年议程指明了方向。     

宁夏融入丝绸之路经济带建设的战略选择——兼谈中阿共建丝绸之路经济带

＂丝绸之路经济带＂的战略构想,为宁夏建设成为丝绸之路经济带上的战略支点创造了历史机遇。宁夏要借助中阿共建丝绸之路经济带的契机,发挥中阿博览会的平台效应,坚持务实合作和人文交流,加快自身发展,增强宁夏对外开放的魅力和吸引力。     

依法治理视域下人民调解发展向度探析

面对我国社会转型期各种社会矛盾和民间纠纷高发频发多发的态势,需要在推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化这一深化改革的总目标下,充分认识人民调解具有的社会治理属性,在依法治国要求下更加重视和加强人民调解工作,拓展职责内涵,强化法治思维,完善制度保障,更好地发挥其在国家治理体系中作为社会矛盾化解器的重要基础性作用。     

区域成本差异对贵州经济发展的影响--少数民族地区经济发展的个案分析

本文是基于一个宏观的研究视角,从国民经济核算的角度,利用投入产出的方法,定量研究贵州作为一个少数民族省域其经济发展成本与全国、东中西三大经济带、七大经济区域之间的差异.依据贵州的省情,采用定性和定量相结合的分析方法,深入探讨影响贵州发展成本的主要因素,以及区域成本差异对贵州经济发展的影响.     

加快贵州民族地区的人力资源开发

重视民族地区的人力资源开发是加快民族地区经济社会发展的必然要求 ;以能力建设为核心 ,不断提高民族地区人力资源的综合素质 ,努力培养更多的少数民族建设人才 ;要加强培养少数民族干部。     

Chinese Eastern Industrial Zone in Ethiopia: unpacking the enclave

Abstract

This paper examines China’s engagement with Africa through economic zones (EZs). It moves beyond the conceptualisation of EZs as undifferentiated enclaves of foreign investment to a dynamic perspective on the locally negotiated process of zone development. Such a perspective entails critical unpacking of the specific zone regime to understand the diverse and evolving relationships among different state and non-state actors. Drawing upon empirical research on the Eastern Industrial Zone (EIZ) in Ethiopia, we explore the complex process of learning and adaptation by government, developers, investors, and workers throughout the development of a zone regime, with specific attention to capital–labour and expatriate–local relations. We find that despite the EIZ being a state-level cooperation project, private Chinese developers work diligently with the Ethiopian government to improve the institutional support for EZs. Chinese investors also collectively generate a management regime to enhance their overseas operational capacity and experiment with various tactics to transform local recruits into an industrial workforce. Local workers, with limited protection by official labour unions, turn to individual- and group-based agency to improve their working conditions. Despite the momentum created by multiple stakeholders, there are concerns regarding the long-term contributions of EZs to engender sustained industrial transformation and skills development.     

“一带一路”对中国外交新理念的实践意义

为有效化解美国旨在遏制中国的"亚太再平衡"战略,在哲学层面,习近平主席提出以"和谐、和睦与和平"为核心内容的外交新理念;在战略层面,提出实现"亚太梦"与推进亚太自贸区建设的长远目标;在政策实践层面,提出"一带一路"建设的宏伟构想。"一带一路"建设的实施可以使多元化、多样化的各个国家和地区相互交织在一起,相互依存,实现利益共享,扩大共同安全,推进合作安全,促进发展安全,增进可持续安全。     

Alternatives to EU Membership and the Rational Imagination

The domestic scenario following a Brexit vote is likely to be characterised by high stakes, uncertainty and fissile political debate. No off‐the‐peg arrangement touted for Brexit—be it Norwegian, Swiss, Turkish or Canadian—was designed to engage with such a context. Nor does it seem wise to rush to medium‐term commitments which might pre‐empt democratic politics and wise choices. Far more important will be the legitimacy of any institutional settlement governing this arrangement, which will provide the context for its revision and development and the space for democratic reflection over how these policies are to be governed. It will be suggested that here there is much insight to be gained from looking at regional arrangements beyond the EU.     

Forecasting the 2015 British election through party popularity functions

To forecast the May 7, 2015 British General Election, we develop party popularity models based on Continuous Monitoring Survey (CMS) data from April 2004 to February 2015. Our models predict party vote shares three months prior to the election, using previous support levels, national economic evaluations, macro-partisanship and political measures. Our Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) methodology allows us to predict support for the Tories, Labour, Liberal Democrats and “other” parties, separately, yet simultaneously, by constraining total support for all parties to 100%. Our model, estimated with data from February 2015, predicts that Labour will win the highest vote share in Great Britain, but that no party will win a majority of seats in parliament.     

Economic globalisation,the perceived room to manoeuvre of national governments,and electoral participation: Evidence from the 2001 British General Election

Recent macro-level research argues that economic globalisation negatively affects electoral turnout by constraining the leeway of national governments and thereby rendering elections less meaningful to voters. This article analyses the link between perceptions of the national government's room to manoeuvre and turnout on the individual level. Drawing on the 2001 British General Election, it is shown that citizens who believe that economic globalisation leaves the national government with less influence on the economy are less likely to report to have voted. Further findings also support the proposed theoretical model according to which room to manoeuvre perceptions affect turnout via views on the importance of elections and matter specifically for citizens that tend towards the left side of the left-right scale.